[ top ] James Hardiman: The vulgar ballads, composed in English, during the last 150 years, are a disgrace to our sweet and simple melodies, to which they have been so cruelly and unnaturally united. This trast which modern collectors have dignified with the title of National Irish Song!!! displaced the native lyrics so effectually, that the memory of the originals was soon wholly erased in Anglicised parts of Ireland. [...] it is considered hardly necessary here to state, what every reader is already aware of, that Mr. Moores words to our Irish Melodies form a splendid exception to the foregoing general censure. [...; &c.] (Irish Minstrelsy, 1831; IUP rep. edn. 1971, p.lxxvii, ftn.) [Hardimans Introduction to Irish Minstrelsy (1831) is held in Library, Irish Classics, infra.]
William Hazlitt, Mr. T. Moore - Mr. Leigh Hunt, in Spirit of the Age (1825): Mr. Moores strictest economy is wasteful and superfluous excess: he is always liberal, and never at a loss; for sooner than not stimulate and delight the reader, he is willing to be tawdry, or superficial, or common-place. [...] It has been too much our authors object to pander to the artificial taste of the age; and his productions, however brilliant and agreeable, are in consequence somewhat meretricious and effeminate. [...] The craving of the public mind after novelty and effect is a false and uneasy appetite that must be pampered with fine words at every step - we must be tickled with sound, startled with shew, and relieved by the importunate, uninterrupted display of fancy and verbal tinsel as much as possible from the fatigue of thought or shock of feeling. A poem is to resemble an exhibition of fireworks, with a continual explosion of quaint figures and devices, flash after flash, that surprise for the moment, and leave no trace of light or warmth behind them. [...] There is no truth of representation, no strong internal feeling - but a continual flutter and display of affected airs and graces, like a finished coquette, who hides the want of symmetry by extravagance of dress, and the want of passion by flippant forwardness and unmeaning sentimentality. All is flimsy, all is florid to excess. His imagination may dally with insect beauties, with Rosicrucian spells; may describe a butterflys wing, a flower-pot, a fan: but it should not attempt to span the great outlines of nature, or keep pace with the sounding march of events, or grapple with the strong fibres of the human heart. The great becomes turgid in his hands, the pathetic insipid. [...] We cannot except the Irish Melodies from the same censure. If these national airs do indeed express the soul of impassioned feeling in his countrymen, the case of Ireland is hopeless. If these prettinesses pass for patriotism, if a country can heave from its hearts core only these vapid, varnished sentiments, lip-deep, and let its tears of blood evaporate in an empty conceit, let it be governed as it has been. There are here no tones to waken Liberty, to console Humanity. Mr. Moore converts the wild harp of Erin into a musical snuff-box [Ftn: Compare his songs with Burnss]! - We do except from this censure the authors political squibs, and the Two-penny Post-bag. These are essences, are nests of spicery, bitter and sweet, honey and gall together. [...] [Cont.]
William Maginn: It has often struck me with astonishment, that the people of Ireland should have so tamely submitted to Mr Thomas Moores audacity, in prefixing the title of Irish to his Melodies. That the tunes are Irish, I admit: but as for the songs, they in general have as much to do with Ireland, as with Novia Scotia. What an Irish affair for example Go where thy Glory waits thee, &c.? Might not it have been sung by a cheesemongers daughter of High Holborn when her masters apprentice was going in a fit of valour to list himself in the third Buffs or by any other such amatory person, as well as a Hibernian virgin? And if so, where is the Irishism of the thing at all? Further quotes: When in death I shall recline / Bear my heart to my mistress dear; / Tell her fed upon smiles and wine. He continues: [...] not a man of us from Carnsore-Point to Bloody Farland [sic] would give a penny a pound for smiles; and as for wine, in the name of decency, is that a Milesian beverage? (Magazine Miscellanies, Blackwood 1841, p.126; quoted in Patrick Rafroidi, Thomas Moore: Towards a Reassessment?, Michael Kenneally, ed., Irish Literature and Culture, Gerrards Cross: Colin Smythe 1992, p.58.) Note that Fr. Prout derived the same song from [invented] lines of the Countess de Chateaubriand addressing Francis Ist: Va ou la gloire tinvite / Et quand dorgueil palpite / Ce coeur, quil pense à moi! (Idem.)
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Lord Byron [George Gordon], The Corsair: A Tale, ded. letter to Thomas Moore: While Ireland ranks you among the firmest of her patriots - while you stand alone the first of her bards in her estimation, and Britain repeats and ratifies the decree - permit one, whose only regret, since our first acquaintance, has been the years he had lost before it commenced, to add the humble, but sincere suffrage of friendship, to the voice of more than one nation; [...] the gratification of your society; [...] said among friends, I trust truly, that you are engaged in the composition of a poem whose scene will be laid in the East; none can do those scenes so much justice. The wrongs of your own country, the magnificent and fiery spirit of her sons, the beauty and feeling of her daughters, may there be found; and Collins, when he denominated his Oriental, his Irish Eclogues, was not aware how true, at least, was a part of his parallel. Your imagination will create a warmer sun, and less clouded sky; but wildness, tenderness, and originality are part of your national claim of oriental descent, to which you have already thus far proved your title more clearly than the most zealous of your countrys antiquarians [... &c.]
Margaret Ann Cusack (Nun of Kenmare), Illustrated History of Ireland (2nd edn., 1868) - Chap. I: The study of Celtic literature, which is daily becoming of increased importance to the philologist, has proved a matter of no inconsiderable value to the Irish historian. When Moore visited [Eugene] OCurry, and found him surrounded with such works as the Books of Ballymote and Lecain, the Speckled Book, the Annals of the Four Masters, and other treasures of Gaedhilic lore, he turned to Dr. Petrie, and exclaimed: These large tomes could not have been written by fools or for any foolish purpose. I never knew anything about them before, and I had no right to have undertaken the History of Ireland. His publishers, who had less scruples, or more utilitarian views, insisted on the completion of his task. Whatever their motives may have been, we may thank them for the result. Though Moores history cannot now be quoted as an authority, it accomplished its work for the time, and promoted an interest in the history of one of the most ancient nations of the human race. (See further under Eugene OCurry, infra.) [ top ] Richard Garnett, Thomas Moore, in Dictionary of National Biography, ed. Sir. Leslie Stephen (OUP 1894) [...] In the following year (1807) Moore entered upon the path in which he found his truest title to remembrance, and which at the same time procured him for many years a considerable income, by the publication of his Irish Melodies, with music by Sir John Stevenson. They were issued at irregular intervals in ten numbers, each containing twelve songs, except the last, which contained fourteen; and the publication did not cease until 1834. For each of these songs Moore received a hundred guineas, £12,810 in all, or at the rate of £500 a year, and the undertaking was as satisfactory to the publisher as to himself. What was of still more importance, it provided him with a solid basis for his reputation by making him the national lyrist of Ireland, a character which, notwithstanding the numerous charges which may justly be brought against his Irish Melodies, on the ground both of false poetry and false patriotism, he must retain until some one arises to deprive him of it. Better isolated pieces have no doubt been written by some of his successors, but he, and he alone, has produced an imposing body of national song; nor have his fancy, melody, and pathos, on the whole, been yet equalled by any competitor. It is remarkable that while beginning to produce this airy music he should at the same time have been writing three heavy and ineffective satires Corruption and Intolerance (1808), and The Sceptic (1809) which fell very flat. He had not yet discovered the proper vehicle for his satiric power, but he was soon to do so. In 1811 the Prince of Wales became regent, and it speedily appeared that he had no intention of fulfilling the hopes which his constant support of the opposition during his fathers government had excited among the supporters of Catholic emancipation. / Moore himself was too deeply committed to the cause of Irish patriotism to accept anything from a reactionary court, but his virtue was exposed to no trial, for Lord Moira, the only one of his patrons who had not utterly broken with the regent, accepted the governor-generalship of India, whither Moore could not accompany him. [...; quoted on the History Home website online; for full text, see attached.]
[ top ] W. B. Yeats (Modern Irish Poetry [1904 version]): Nor did the coming with the new century of the fame of Moore set the balance even, for his Irish melodies are too often artificial and mechanical in their style when separated from the music that gave them wings. Whatever he had of high poetry is in The Light of Other Days, and in At the Mid Hour of Night, which express what Matthew Arnold has taught us to call the Celtic melancholy, with so much of delicate beauty in the meaning and in the wavering or steady rhythm that one knows not where to find their like in literature. His more artificial and mechanical verse, because of the ancient music that makes it seem natural and vivid, and because it has remembered so many beloved names and events and places, has had the influence which might have belonged to these exquisite verses had he written none but these. (Introduction [Modern Irish Poetry], A Book of Irish Verse Selected from Modern Writers, Methuen [another edn. 1920], rep. as Modern Irish Poetry, in Justin McCarthy, gen. ed., Irish Literature, 1904, Vol. III, pp.vii-xiii; p.viii; quoted [in part] in Roger McHugh, Anglo-Irish Poetry 1700-1850, Dublin: Wolfhound Press 1982, p.171.) Note that Yeats solely reprints the poems of Moore that he mentions here in his anthology.
John Eglinton, Irish Literary Portraits (London: Macmillan 1935): There has only been one accepted poet of this mother-country of exiles and revenants, Thomas Moore: and it is notable that with Moore Irelands tragedy consists in the fact that her subordinate relation to England is part of then fixed order of things: as he put it beautifully enough: The emerald gem of the Western World / Is set in the crown of the stranger. He heard the authentic voice of Ireland in the national airs, those airs which, issuing out of old experience, seem to dissolve the very soul of a great race in lacrimae rerum - a proud and luxurious grief for which, to speak truly, the belated foreign conquest is hardly sufficient to account, and which must have been part of the original endowment of the Irish temperament. Moore himself, however, in his metrical reaction in English to this ancient influence, was almost vulgar, certainly shallow, facile and sentimental. On the whole, it cannot be said that Ireland was fortunate in the character and personality of her interpreter. It was not until nearly a century after Moore that a far finer and a greater poet than he (a man, curiously, deaf to [4] music) - and not only a poet but an indefatigable organiser and propagandist - inaugurated a hopeful literary movement, the whole Irish race, not to speak of an applauding English public, looking on with pride and encouragement. (Introduction, ,pp.4-5.) [ top ] Stephen Gwynn, Thomas Moore [English Men of Letters] (London: Macmillan 1905): Sudden fame, acquired with little difficulty, suffers generally a period of obscuratioin after the compelling power which attached to a mans living personality has been removed; and from this darkness it does not always emerge. Of such splendour and subsequent eclipse, Moores fate might eb cited as the capital example. / The son of a petty Dublin tradesman, he found himself, almost form his first entry into the world; courted by a brilliant society, each year added to his friendships among the men who stood highest in literature and statesmanship; and his reputation on the Continent was surpassed only by Scott and Byron. He did not live to see a reaction. Lord John Russell could write boldly in 1853: of English lyric poets, Moore is surely the greatest. There is perhaps no need to criticise either this attitude of excessive admiration, or that which in many cases has replaced it, of tolerant contempot. But it is as well to emphasise at the outset the fact the even to-day, more than a century after he began to publish, Moore is still one of the poets most popular and widely known throughout the [1] English speaking world. His effect on is own race at least has been durable; and if it be a fair test of a poets vitality to ask how much of his work could be recovered from oral tradition, there are not many who would stand better than the singer of the Irish Melodies. At least the older generation of Irishmen and Irishwomen now living have his poetry by heart. (pp.1-2.) [Cont.]
Padraic Colum (Intro., Anthology of Irish Verse, 1922): Thomas Moore, a born song-writer, began to write English words to this music. Again and again the distinctive rhythms of the music forced a distinctive rhythm upon his verse. Through using the mould of the music, Moore, without being conscious of what he was doing, reproduced again and again the rhythm, and sometimes the structure of Gaelic verse. When Edgar Allen Poe read that lyric of Moores that begins At the mid-hour of night, he perceived a distinctive metrical achievement. The poem was written to an ancient Irish air, and its rhythm, like the rhythm of the song that begins Through grief and through danger, wavering and unemphatic, is distinctively Irish. And Moore not only reproduced the rhythm of Gaelic poetry, but sometimes he reproduced even its metrical structure. (See further under Colum [infra], or go to full text in RICORSO Library, Critical Classics, Anglo-Irish [infra].) [ top ] Patrick Rafroidi, Irish Literature in English, The Romantic Period, 1789-1850, Vol 1 (Gerrards Cross: Colin Smyth 1980), Thomas Moore sufficiently interested in Rousseau to pay visits to Montmorency (1817), Ermenonville (Aug. 1820), and halting briefly at Les Charmettes, and transposed one his visits to the twelfth letter of The Fudge Family in Paris, illustrating the fatuousness of such tourism, to see Montmorency - the place, which you know, / Is so famous for cherries and Jean-Jacques Rousseau. Miss Biddy Fudge is writing to her British correspondent Miss Dorothy. In Rhymes of the Road, Extract XVI, he reflects comically on the total absence of sense or notion / Of what the world call decency in Rousseaus ménage à trois at Mme de Warenss, Who would have thought this very spot/Would, one day, be a sort of shrine? [16]. Nevertheless, in Portrait Gallery, No. XXIX: Th. Moore (Dublin University Magazine, XIX, 112, April 1842, pp.476-79), the magazine was convinced that with all his faults, we are proud, and we feel his country should be proud, of Moore. [18; for Maginns attack on Moore, see Maginn, q.v.] Moores Anacreontic ode cited as example of late eighteenth century Irish conservatism [29]. Rafroidi quotes Byron: If aught in my bosom could quench for an hour / My contempt for a nation which, servile tho sore, / Which, tho trod like the worm, will not turn upon power, / Tis the glory of Grattan, the genius of Moore! (from The Irish Avatar)
Benedict Kiely, The Poor Scholar: A Study of William Carleton (1947; Mercier Press [10th edn.] 1972): In 1814 the horror of the real, actual Ireland touched Tom Moore through the melodious, sentimental rose-mist that surrounded him. Anacreon, for a while, dropped his lyre to write of creeds and politics in The Memoirs of Captain Rock, to say that the rulers of Ireland had always proceeded in proselytism on the principle of a wedge with its wrong side foremost, to compare the conciliatory advances of Irish Protestantism to Irish Catholicism to the words spoken by Lancelot to the young Jewess: Be of good cheer, for truly I think thou art damned. (p.65.)
Seán Ó Baoil, Irish Traditional Music, in Michael Longley, ed., Causeway: The Arts in Ulster (1971), p.122f.: His melodies were far removed fro the elemental beauty of traditional singing in the Irish language, which, even in his day, was the predominant vernacular in the whole western half of the country. Moores songs were nostalgic, pseudo-historical, whimsical, sentimental productions suited to the drawing rooms of the nineteenth century, and were in striking contrast wit the living Gaelic love-songs, lullabies, aislingí (vision poems), laments, drinking songs, hymns and work-songs of the Irish speaking-people. ) There is no parallel in Moore for the Gaelic songs sung at the plough [&c.]; (p.122.) If Thomas Moore had been even remotely interested in the folk-poetry of his time he would never have written - to the very same tune used by the ballad-maker - the line which English critics at one time considered among the strongerest [?] in English literature - At the mid-hour of night when stars are weeping I fly. But Moore was so out of touch with the peasantry of his time that in all his adaptations of English words to Irish Music he never once came upon the form of Gaelic verse that was commonly used by them in their songs, and which was actually employed by his friend Byron. Byron got it from a song written by John Philpot Curran: if sadly thinking / with spirits sinking / can more than drinking / my cares compose, / a cure for sorrow / from sighs Id borrow / and hope tomorrow / would end my woes. Thomas Moore was certainly far from the land. He must have never have heard The Boys of Mullaghabawn [...]. (p.123.) [ top ] Mark Storey, Poetry and Ireland since 1800: A Source Book (1988), writes: There can be no doubt about Moores intentions, as he spelt them out in a letter to the composer [Stevenson]; he was out to reclaim his countrys songs from the service of foreigners. But we are come, I hope, to a better period of both politics and music; and how much they are connected, in Ireland, at least, appears too plainly in the tone of sorrow and depression which characterises most of our early songs.... The poet ... must feel and understand that rapid fluctuation of spirits, that unaccountable mixture of gloom and levity, whcih composes the character of my countrymen, and has deeply tinged their music. (Letters of Thomas Moore, ed., W[ilfred] S. Dowden, 2 vols. Oxford 1964, Vol. 1, p.116.) Further, For Moore, music was the source of my poetic talent, since it was merely effort to translate into words the different feelings and passions whch melody seemed to me to express. (Memoirs, Journals, and Correspondence of Thomas Moore, Lord John Russell, ed, London 1853, Vol. 1, p.60.)
Brian Girvin, Making Nations, OConnell, Religion and The Creation of Political Identity, in Daniel OConnell, Political Pioneer, ed. M. R. OConnell (1991), quotes Moore: The Protestants fear to entrust their constitution to you, as long as you continue under the influence of the Popery; and your reason for continuing under the influence of the Pope, is that you fear to entrust your Church to the Protestants. Now I have shown, I think, in the preceding pages, that their alarm is natural, just and well-founded, while yours is unmeaning, groundless and ungenerous. It cannot, therefore, be doubted by which of you the point should be conceded. (A Letter to the Roman Catholics of Dublin, Dublin 1810, pamph.; here p.29.)
Thomas Kinsella: It is not necessary to make heavy weather of Moore. There is critical agreement that he was not an important poet, and Moore would join in that assessment, being a modest man. But in many minds, even still, he was Irelands national poet. Moores Melodies is possibly the most popular book ever produced in Ireland. The songs, snugly fitted to their facile and graceful airs, and full of deathless phrases, are still widely sung. Moore is probably the most successful Irish poet, in either language, that has ever lived, raching a wide audience and satisfying it, and continuing to do so. None of this popular poetry bears much scrutiny. Its grasp on actuality is slight. Its designs are on the emotions more or less to the exclusion of the intelligence. And in Oh, Blame not the Bard! his admissions partly forestall criticism: in the time of testing he has proved inadequate, withholding his talents from the service of the oppressed and choosing to entertain the oppressor. (Introduction, New Oxford Book of Irish Verse, OUP 1986, p.xxvi; quoted in Patrick Rafroidi, Thomas Moore: Towards a Reassessment?, Michael Kenneally, ed, Irish Literature and Culture, Gerrards Cross: Colin Smythe 1992, pp.55-62, p.60.) [ top ] Seamus Deane, Moore was right to resist this separation [of verses and accompaniment in Irish Melodies, 1821 Edn.] for his poems simply do not survive it. In addition, outside Ireland they do not survive the political conditons which initially gave them their appeal. (A Short History of Irish Literature, Hutchinson 1986, p.64.) Note that Deane calls Moore a minor poet but a major phenomenon (ibid., p.65), Seamus Deane, [gen. ed.], introduction to section on Thomas Moore, in The Field Day Anthology of Irish Writing (Derry 1991), Vol. 1: This infantile romanticism [of Thomas Campbell and Samuel Rogers] was more effectively exploited by Moore than by any other writer. [...] because Moore was technically superior in his handling of rhyme, rhythm and cliché. He appeals to his reader in soft imperatives: Go where glory waits thee. Remember the glories, O! breathe not the name!, Say wilt thou weep. The reader adds his or her own intensity to such appeals, and the msuic dwells on them in a mixture of rapture and pathos. Moore was a constitutional poet in that he admired rebellion in his verse and steered clear of it in his actions and in most of his prose. The past is a safer territory than the present, and Moore exploits it in eccentric fashion with the help of historians like Sylvester OHalloran or Ferdinando Warner or antiquarians like Charles Vallancey. In that light, he too is a user of antiquarian research in the catholic cause. His satirical poem about Orange bigotry, English Tory politicians and idiot prejudice make that clear. (p.1054; quoted in part in Susan Slack, Thomas Moore: Irish National Poet?, MADip., UUC 2003.)
Michael Ó Suilleabháin, All our central fire: Music, Mediation, and the Irish Psyche, in Irish Journal of Psychology, ed., A. Halliday & K. Coyle, eds., The Irish Psyche [Special Issue] Vol. 15, Nos. 2 & 3 (1994)): It is my belief that the spirit of the Irish harp was transmuted in the opening decades of the 19th century exactly at the point when the old Irish harp tradition died and the new neo-Irish instrument was born. The changes which came over the harp testify to a significant process: from itinerant to settled, rural to urban, male to female, non-literate to literate, wire strings to gut strings, fingernail technique to fingertip technique, left-hand treble to right-hand treble, right shoulder to left shoulder. This transmigration of the harps spirit from one triangular form to another was, it seems to me, a journey through the looking glass. In this way the link between the old and the new traditions was not one of evolution but of transmutation. / Thomas Moore was seminal in this process which launched the Irish harp on a journey of intense nostalgic longing for a displaced identity - a longing for what historian Liam de Paor calls an Orient of time (de Paor, 1989; rep. 1996 [see infra]). Moore imagines this time to be reflected in the waters of Lough Neagh. [quotes On Lough Neaghs bank [...] &c.] / That image of a magic land surfacing through the waves of time is at once old and new in Irish tradition and the ancient mythical island of Hy Brazil is described in this way in early Irish sources. [refers to Nuala Rua Ni Dhomhnaills poem Immram, in Astrakhan Coat, 1992]. Further: Moore is more part of literary than musical history in Ireland. The musical sound he produced simply went round in circles for more than a century until it finally fell out of fashion. It was a music which led nowhere, whereas his texts at least may be seen as linked to the increasing mediation of Irish images in the English language which occurred throughout the 19th century culminating for Yeats, as already pointed out, in Hydes Love Songs of Connaught. (pp.33-40.) [ top ] Liam de Paor, Tom Moore and Contemporary Ireland, Ó Riada Memorial Lecture No. 4 [Irish Traditional Music Society], UCC 1989: Tom Moore is undoubtedly one of the most significant figures of the transition at the point where anglicisation was beginning to be fully effected /... the past, whether historical, literary or musical, was a quarry from which he might extract nuggets to be polished as romantic gems. Further:[...] Moores value to that large and increasing part of Ireland which had made its peace with the cultural values of the English-speaking world. He was outstanding among those who made the origins of native Ireland - the old cultural values - respectable. In doing so of course he distorted them. ( Quoted in Ó Suilleabháin, op. cit. supra, 1994, p.338-39.)
Mary Helen Thuente, The Literary Significance of the United Irishmen, Michael Kenneally, ed., Irish Literature and Culture Gerrards Cross: Colin Smythe 1992), pp.35-62: Thuente discovers; that Moore contrib. Ossianic fragment to The Northern Star (12 May 1797) and later to The Press (19 Oct., 1797), together with one other piece in The Press in 1797 (op. cit., p.53). [ top ] Robert Welch, Language and Tradition in the Nineteenth Century [Chap. 2], Changing States: Transformations in Modern Irish Writing (London: Routledge 1993): [...] In an appendix which he wrote to Corruption and Innocence Moore expands further on the sorry state of affairs between Ireland and England, and on the historical background. An early lack of constitutional and parliamentary independence weakened moral fibre and resolve, he argues, and made Ireland a cipher: The loss of independence very early debased our character. It is true this island has given birth to heroes ... but success was wanting to consecrate resistance, their cause was branded with the disheartening name of treason, and their oppressed country was such a blank among nations that ... the fame of their actions was lost in the obscurity of the place where they achieved them. (The Poetical Works of Thomas Moore, London, n.d., pp.271.) / Moore is here registering a fear that underlies much nineteenth and twentieth century Irish writing, even work of the most explicitly nationalist and defensive kind: that Ireland does not matter, that it is a blank, a non-place, and that being, life, vivacity are elsewhere. Further on in the appendix he outlines the entire strategy of his Irish poetry, in particular the Melodies: because the Ireland of history is a non-place, the poet is drawn to seek his images from legend or from those pristine times before the conquerors had divided, weakened and disgraced us, the {20} time when our Malachies wore collars of gold. In addition, the appendix makes the case that music and song are best equipped to convey the sense of unavailing sorrow that seems, to Moore, the predominant fact of Irish life and feeling. Such a mood can be, he argues, effective, and he cites the story of Theodosius and Antioch . The reign of Theodosius affords the first example of a disqualifying penal code enacted by Christians against Christians. The implication is clear, the inference all too obvious. He then tells how the people of Antioch made Theodosius relent by getting their minstrels to teach the Emperors own musicians the sad songs of Antioch, which they played to him at dinner. The sad songs from Asia Minor had their effect in Rome. Here, in essence, is the strategy of the Melodies in general, and of Oh! Blame not the Bard in particular [quoting as infra.] Success was wanting to consecrate resistance, he wrote, and anyone taking up Irelands cause is accused of treason. [Cont.]
Robert Welch, Irish writing in English, in Introduction English Studies, ed. Richard Bradford (London: Pearson Educ. 1996): While the United Irishmen were mobilizing in Ireland, one of their Dublin leaders, Thomas Addis Emmet, was taken on a walk by the concerned mother of the young Thomas Moore, then a student at Trinity College, Dublin. She asked Emmet not to involve her son in military operations, a request to which he consented, leaving Moore to get on with his translations of Anacreon and his study of the Irish airs recently published in Edward Buntings Collection of the Ancient Music of Ireland (1796) , a compilation which had, to a significant extent, been assembled at a Harpers Festival in Belfast in 1792. However, although Moores actual involvement with the United Irishmen was slight writing a few propaganda pieces in the manner of Macpherson for The Press he remained deeply attached to their ideals of liberty and freedom of religion, and their radicalism. He revered them as types of the finest sort of Irishman, the ultimi Romanorum he called them, and the memory of their bravery and patriotism was the initial inspiration for the famous series of Irish Melodies, which he began in 1808. These poems and songs, many of which are still greatly loved, unite a sentimental patriotism with a feeling for the sublime, the lofty, the wild, the passionate, the remote; and to this brew he infuses a quality of ready anger at injustice that has often been overlooked in the all-too-common perception of Moore as a namby-pamby snuff-box Hibernian melodist. (p.659; See full text, in RICORSO Library, Critical Classics, infra.) [ top ] Michael Cronin, Translating Ireland: Translations, Languages, Cultures, Cork UP 1996), quotes: Born of Catholic parents I had come into the world with the slaves yoke around my neck; and it was all in vain that the fond ambition of a mother looked forward to the Bar as opening a career that might lead her son to affluence and honour. (Odes of Anacreon, in Poetical Works, Vol. 1, London: Longmans 1840, p.xv; here p.120.) Cronin further quotes Moores remarks on the irony that a copy of Anacreon in Greek was considered a fit offering to receive from the Pope through the intermediary hand of Dr. Troy as part of a memorial to Provost of the College. (p.121.)
George OBrien, review of Linda Kelly, Irelands Minstrel: A Life of Tom Moore - Poet, Patriot and Byrons Friend, in The Irish Times (11. Nov. 2006), Weekend: [...] Kellys answer is indicated in her title and subtitle. Here, however, certain imbalances suggest themselves. The title itself, for example, aligns the central fact of a geographical entity, with all the additional social and historical factors thus entailed, with the peripheral and essentially cosmetic activity of minstrelsy. This alignment is one which Moores career developed and exploited, of course, no doubt with the best possible intentions. But perhaps the implications of his having done so might have been probed. At one level, Moores performances may have been the expression of a generous, if naive, spirit. At another, they might have been the product of a gap in the market, constituting more a moment in the history of taste rather than anything credibly national. Or perhaps, the Moore phenomenon may most revealingly be seen as a distinctive episode in the annals of stage Irishness, a more clever and original act of passing than that undertaken later by American minstrelsy (in which many an Irish player participated). [...] Since so many of his songs and lyrics have Irish themes, it may not seem too much of a stretch to claim that Moore was a patriot. No doubt the cause of Ireland was dear to his heart, having come of age as he did in the 1790s and being a friend of Emmets. His militancy soon subsided, however, when he entered the Middle Temple to read law, and in later years he was lukewarm towards OConnell. Its also a little strange to read: Protected in his childhood, Moore had never been exposed to the full extent of Irish miseries ... and he was shocked by the poverty he encountered on his travels. This was in 1823; Moore was 44. The point is not to incriminate Moore for his lack of awareness but to bring into clearer perspective the Ireland-in-the-head he was projecting which, however well-meaning, seems to be deficient in the political self-consciousness indispensable to patriotism... [ .; &c.] Emer Nolan, ed. & intro., Memoirs of Captain Rock [... &c.] ( 1824), Introduction: [...] The explanation of the phenomenon of Captain Rock [and contemporary agrarian violence in S. Ireland] offered by Moores text (and the style and form in which it was presented) baffled many of the expectations of the various readerships that he had already created for his work. Part history, part fiction and part satire, Memoirs of Captain Rock defies any easy generic classification. It does not feature in any of the standard critical studies of the early Irish novel, but neither do later commentators regard it as serious historical work. Other Catholic writers, such as the novelists John and Michael Banim of Kilkenny, struggled with the problem of how to depict Ireland within the protocols of English literary realism. In their stories, they attempt to show how the Irish could become self-disciplined and civilized. Moore, on the other hand, is uninterested in any realistic depiction of Irish peasant life, and refuses the moral panic that surrounded the issue of agrarian violence in particular. Instead, the books eponymous hero sketches a wholly unexpected outline of the genesis of popular disaffection in the early 1820s. Thus Moores text appears simply to by-pass or ignore the difficulties that early nineteenth-century Ireland evidently presented to both English and Irish writers of all kinds - difficulties particularly associated with Irish peasant culture and its notorious, supposedly incurable, inclination to endemic violence. Nor do we find here any attempt at the formal resolution of historical and political problems that is so marked a feature of fiction works by both Protestant and Catholic writers at this tiem. Perhaps due to its radical novelty, Moores act of ventriloquism, so significant in its own time, [xviii] has until recently been lost to literary history. In this text, Moore offers us not necessarily a truer or more informed account of popular resistance than that offered by his contemporaries, but in many ways a more suggestive one. (pp.xviii-ix.) [ top ] Sean Ryder, Irelands Difficulty, the Novelists Opportunity?, review of Catholic Emancipations: Irish Fiction from Thomas Moore to James Joyce, by Emer Nolan, in Field Day Review (2004), pp.288-95: Thomas Moore saw bright prospects for the Irish novel in the nineteenth century: Ireland bids fair to be the great mart of fiction, he wrote in the Edinburgh Review in 1826. Unfortunately for Moore, what was good for novelists was not necessarily good for poets; as he saw it, the growth of fiction was accompanied by the desertion of the fair springs of Poesy across Europe, and the impossibility of creating poetry at all in Ireland in its present condition. The same causes, he complains, that have embittered and degraded the history of Ireland, so as to render it incapable of furnishing any safe or worthy theme for the poet, have brought the character of its [289] people, both moral and social, to a state which is eminently favourable to the more humble aspirations of the novelist. (Thomas Moore, Irish Novels, in Edinburgh Review, 43, 1826, pp.356-72.) This formulation of Irelands difficulty as the novelists opportunity in an intersting reversal of the famous renunciation of fiction by Maria Edgeworth, who complained that party and sectarian division made it impossible to produce fiction in Ireland in the 1820s. Moore too acknowledged that the great concert of discord produced by Irelands colonial condition, but, unlike [190] Edgeworth, believed that the results - the inverted and unnatural institutions, the gentrys vulgar arrogance, the peoples historically induced low, circumventing cunning - were all valuable grist to the mill of ficiton (as opposed to poetry), and that in combination with the lively temperament of the whole nation there is plenty of small game for the satirist and observer of character. If the novelists role is to be a sketcher of human nature, then no country could provide more original subjects for his pencil, more mixtures of lights and shadows, or more of that sort of picturesqueness, towards which (in morals as well as painting), utility and order are the last ingredients requisite. And politics, far from being a distraction to a fiction narrative, Moore assumes to be essential to the understanding of those manners and morals. For him, the recent ficion of John and Michael Banim and other Irish authors did not transcend politics but made a necessary vehicle for them: It is pleasant after ages of bad romance in politics, to find thus, at last, good politics in romance. (Ibid, pp.358-59; here pp.289-90.) [Cont.]
Fintan OToole, Captain Rock and a hard place, review of Captain Rock: The Irish Agrarian Rebellion of 1821-1824, by James S. Donnelly Jnr, in The Irish Times (13 Feb. 2010), Weekend Review, p.12 - writes of the wave of extreme violence that swept through Munster and south Leinster between 1821 and 1824. Further: It had its origins in, and took its name from, a local agrarian disturbance that broke out on the 13,500-hectare estate of Viscount Courtenay in Newcastle West in Co Limerick. Courtenay, who was flamboyantly gay, lived abroad and ran up huge debts. His popular local agent was replaced by an English lawyer, Alexander Hoskins, who set about raising rents and collecting arrears. Hoskinss 19-year-old son was attacked by seven men on the road, shot and beaten. His killers then danced and played upon the fife for about an hour. / In the disturbances that led up to this event, a blacksmith called Patrick Dillane distinguished himself in the art of throwing rocks at Hoskinss hired men and was, as he later testified, christened Captain Rock by a schoolmaster ... by pouring a glass of wine on his head. In the campaign of terror against agents, tithe proctors, land grabbers and their perceived allies that gradually spread through the southwest, Captain Rock would be the name attached to the lurid threatening letters posted on so many doors. Before the fury finally abated, more than 1,000 people had been murdered, mutilated or badly beaten. (Further under Pastorini, q.v., and see full-text version in RICORSO Library, Criticism > Reviews, via index, or direct.) [ top ] Claire Connolly, Irish Romanticism, 1800-1830, in Cambridge History of Irish Literature (Cambridge UP 2006), Vol. I [Chap. 10] - Prose Fiction: The Second Reformation prompted angry ripostes from Catholic writers, including John Banims The Nowlans (discussed below) and Thomas Moores prose satire, Memoirs of Captain Rock (1824). Captain Rock opens with a description of a young man sent to Ireland, not by his parents (as in so many national tales), but by an English society of Protestant charitable ladies. He immediately encounters the eponymous hero, who presents him with a bundle of papers containing his life story and the history of his family; the Captains memoirs form the remainder of the narrative. They are narrated by an agrarian outlaw with a long family history of rebellion, and resemble Melmoth in their Gothic obsession with the effects of historical trauma. Yet Captain Rock is quite different (from Melmoth, as from almost every Irish fiction that surrounds it) in seeking to make that trauma part of a coherent narrative whole, the consequences [419] of which have been, are and always will be bruised souls, broken bodies and armed rebellion. The continuity of Irish insurgency is realised in a series of brilliant, quasi-symbolist images that illuminate a vast panorama of historical injustice, even as they disrupt the flow of the plot. Moores fondness for iconic images that capture and condense historical processes is ascribed by Ronan Kelly to his reading in contemporary French historiography; whatever their origin, these moments in his prose connect powerfully to his Irish Melodies and help join up different aspects of Moores varied literary career. His next prose fiction, Travels of an Irish Gentleman in Search of a Religion (1833), continues in satiric mode: like Captain Rock, it targets evangelical Protestantism, although this time in the changed context of post-Catholic emancipation Ireland. (419-20.) Note: Connolly cites Ronan Kelly, Thomas Moore and Irish Historiography, in New Voices in Irish Criticism, ed. Karen Vanderveld (Dublin: Four Courts Press 2002), pp.70-75. [For longer extract, go to RICORSO Library, Irish Critical Classics, via index or direct.]
Claire Connolly (Irish Romanticism, 1800-1830 (2006), Poetry [sect.]- cont.: [...] The greatest number of Moores satires, however, are written in loose anapaests and correspond to gentler Horatian models: these include several squibs attacking the Prince Regent as well as his Intercepted Letters: Or, The Two Penny Post-Bag (1813), a witty and inventive attack on the Regents social circle. Moores ability to infuse verse satire with a strong narrative thread is best seen in his Fudge Family in Paris (1818). Organised around a linked set of characters (an Irish family), each of whom recounts her/his travels in her/his own characteristic metre, The Fudge Family is a tour de force of combative liberal politics [Jane Moore, ed., The Satires of Thomas Moore, London: Pickering & Chatto 2003, p.xxv] and mocks Irish patriotism alongside French food and fashions, political place-seeking and fantasies of romantic love. Moores decision to pillory the groups of ridiculous English people who were at that time swarming in all directions through Paris [Letter to Samuel Rodgers, quoted in Jane Moore, op. cit., xxv] in the shape of Phil, Biddy and Bob Fudge (as well as their firebrand tutor, Phelim Connor) is, however, a curious one, and helps us to think about the persistence of Irish themes in even the most English of his writing. (For longer extracts, see RICORSO Library, Classic Irish Criticism, via index, or direct.) [ top ] John Barrell, The Meeting of the Waters, in London Review of Books (27 July 2017): [...] Moores The Meeting of the Waters was first published in 1808 and by the end of the century it had become one of the best known of his Irish Melodies, along with The harp that once through Taras halls, The Minstrel Boy and especially The last Rose of Summer. These songs were performed in concerts, and in the polite parlours and drawing rooms where Moore thought they belonged. The Meeting of the Waters no doubt owed much of its popularity to the traditional air The Old Head of Dennis, to which it was set by the Dublin composer John Stevenson. But the words too were responsible for the songs great appeal. The song proposed that the pleasures of landscape were best experienced in company, and this preference for sociability over solitude was also a preference for the beautiful over the sublime, and allowed Moores readers to enjoy nature on easier terms than, say, Rousseau or Wordsworth seemed to offer. This turning away from the sublime was reinforced by the supposedly peaceful character of the confluence. At the place in County Wicklow that had come to be called the Meeting of the Waters, the rivers Avonmore and Avonbeg meet to become the Avoca in the Sweet vale of Avoca. A literary tourist described the river below the confluence as rapid and impetuous in its progress. But in Moores account, there is nothing torrential about these rivers, which behave as quietly as all rivers will one day behave, when, as the song puts it, the storms that we feel in this cold world should cease.
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