CONTENTS: A. HALLIDAY and K. COYLE, Foreword . IRISH IDENTITIES: J. LEE, The Irish psyche: An historical perspective ; G. MOANE, A psychological analysis of colonialism in an Irish context ; D. McLOUGHLIN, Women and sexuality in 19th century Ireland ; P. GILL, Island psyche: Fieldnotes from an Irish island ; K. TREW, What it means to be Irish from a Northern perspective ; H. GARAVAN, M. DOHERTY and A. MORAN, The Irish mind abroad: The experiences and attitudes of the Irish diaspora ; EXPRESSIONS OF IRISH LIFE: C. BENSON, A psychological perspective on art and Irish national identity ; M. O SUILLEABHAIN, AII our central fire Music, mediation and the Irish psyche ; ASPECTS OF IRISH LIFE: S. GREENE, Growing up Irish: Development in context ; E. McCARTHY, Work and mind: Searching for our Celtic legacy ; M. MORGAN and J. GRUBE, The Irish and alcohol: A classic case of ambivalence ; A. HICKEY, G. BURY, C. A. OBOYLE, F. L. BRADLEY, F. D. OKELLY and W SHANNON, No (safer) sex please, were Irish: Sexual functioning and use of safer sexual practices in an Irish HIV positive cohort ; M. BARRY, Community perceptions of mental disorder: An Irish perspective ; W. DUNCAN, Law and the Irish psyche: The conflict between aspiration and experience ; P. OMAHONY, The Irish psyche imprisoned ; K. HESKIN, Terrorism in Ireland: The past and the future ; E. CAIRNS, Understanding conflict and promoting peace in Ireland: Psychologys contribution ; N. SHEEHY, Talk about being Irish: Death ritual as a cultural forum [494-507; END].
Joseph Lee, The Irish psyche: An historical perspective. (pp.225-49).
Comments on the danger of accepting accounts of observers from outside who have tended to contrast Irish Protestant and Irish Catholic psyches in varying degrees wtih a standard English psyche (p.246.)
Writes cogently of alleged Irish obsession with history and notes that it is based on an English idea of normalcy. 
Genuine historians will always seek to place matters in their historical context. 
It is a frequent response of people who feel their identity [sic] under pressure (abstracting from the question of why they dont simply lie on their backs and enjoy it) to invoke history. 
Irish history stokes the sense of grievance that features so prominently in the Irish psyche 
Much of the inferiority complex that seems to distinguishing feature of the Irish psyche, and of the consequent sensitivity to real or imagined slights, may stem from the combination of cultural and political pressure. 
Cites Sean de Freine, The Great Silence (1960).
Lee make much of the glee with which some have greeted the decline of the Irish language; exude uncomprehending self-loathing 
Discusses the nature of English presence in Ireland 
it is important for formerly colonised peoples to overcome their history and not use it as an excuse to remain in a state of arrested personality development. But they must, like the maimed individual, first recover it in order to engage with it and become its master rather than its victim. We have some distance to go in that respect. [END; 249]
Geraldine Moane, A Psychological analysis of colonialism in an Irish Context, 251-65.
the term colonisation was initially used to refer to national movements to resist colonisation and gain independence. More recently it has been expanded to refer to economic, political, social, and cultural transformations that might be required to obtain freedom from colonial patterns. 
There are also generational implications we now have several post-colonial generations. Our analysis at this point must include focussing on our own role in the post colonial state. This obviously a much more uncomfortable task, which may account in part for the prevailing dearth of analysis. 
Explicit projects of decolonisation have focused on questions of identity, revision of historical views and reinterpretation of Irish writers as post-colonial (Cairns & Richards, 1988, Deane, 1991, Kearney, 1985, Kiberd, 1984, Lloyd, Said, 1988). 
systems of dominant of which patriarchy and colonialism are examples: physical coercion; economic exploitation; sexual exploitation; exclusion from power; control of ideology and culture; fragmentation or divide and conquer.
Psychological aspects of colonisation: dependency and ambivalence; suppression of anger and rage; loss/restriction of identity; difficulties with sexual identity; horizontal violence; lack of shared bonding; vulnerability to psychological stress and to madness
Post-colonial personality: social withdrawal; personal withdrawal [inc. inner world focu, magical thinking, fantasy]; laco of pride; mistrust; divisieness; narrow identity of def. of being Irish; assertiveness; tendency to suppress others; gender polarisation; obsession with sexual identity and the control of women
Decolonisation (involves): recognition of oppression; healthy expression of anger; sense of identity and self-confidence (Deane, 1991; Kearney, 1985; creativity; sense of solidarity; collective action;
Moane (quoting Kenny) writes: [I]n the face of continuing domination, several types of constriction occur, of which four involve social withdrawal and three involve personal withdrawal. The types of social withdrawal are: elaboration of secret worlds, superficial complicance, indirect communication and lack of self-revelation. These are patterns whcih are exhibited in the social world. They can result in behaviours such as passive aggression, evasiveness, understatment, backbiting and avoidance of competition or self-exhibition. Personal withdrawal involves elaboration of the inner world, helplessness, passivity and elaboration of the negative self. A focus on the inner world is associated with fantasy, magical thinking, superstition, and creativity. Helplessness, passivity, and elaboration of the negative self are associated with loss of pride and self confidence, shame, worthlessness, and self-hatred. 
Healthy expression of anger is an important part of decolonisation, or liberation. 
Processes of decolonisation have been in motion in Irish society for some time. (Ruane, Contemporary Irish culture, Studies, 9, 78-91) both at the cultural and psychological level. Yet large segments of society are still in positions characterised by dispossession and marginality. Not only woudl people in these positions be more like to carry some of the psychological patterns associated with colonisation or oppression, as discussed in previous sections, but they have often been marginalised from processess of decolonisation or liberation initiated by elites. The symbiotic relationship between oppressed and oppressor make it clear that the presence of oppression inhibits the process of decolonisation or liberation even for elites. 
NOTE: Exhibits a touching faith in the natural development of a society untouched by colonialism, and the necessary superiority of its social relations. With an agenda of this sort, it would be well to limit the accesof this professional to the education process.
D. McLoughlin, Women and sexuality in 19th century Ireland 266-75.
This article establishes that there were a variety of sexual transactions available variously to Irish women of different classes in nineteeth-century Ireland other than the married-maternal variety increasingly instilled by land-relations and clerical policing.
P. Gill, Island psyche: Fieldnotes from an Irish island , 276-87.
Karen Trew, What it means to be Irish seen from a Northern Perspective, pp,.288-99.
Concludes with remarks on current conceptualisations of identity which admit the fact that people experience a multiplicity of identities not necessarily hierarchical, and that they will give different accounts of themselves in different contexts - i.e., Irish in Britain, British in France, Northern Irish in Dublin, and European in America.
The divisions in Northern Ireland are not helped by the use of labels such as Irishness and Britishness which suggest diverse and incompatible aspirations. Both tersm encompass a spectrum of view which overlap as well as diverge. Irishness subsumes a divertsity of meanings which range from the idiosyncratic irishness of the gentry studied by Shanks (1990) to the sophisticated speculation of the respondent who clearly subscribes to a model of change: There are new layers of identity overlaying the old [&c.] (OConnor, 1993, p.376; Trew, p.297.)
Hugh Garavan, et al., the Irish mind abroad: The experiences and attidues of the Irish diaspora, pp.301-315.
Cites the view that Liam Ferrie should be given the freedom of the City of Galway [&c.] (p.313.) Notes high level of criticism of the IRA.
Charles Benson, A psychological perspective on art and Irish national identity, pp.315-30.
Transposed to the level of national identity, this could include the idea that the nation would have its own distinctive point ofg view on, for example, matters of economy or morality, that it would have the power to act and react in accordace with its beliefs, and that it could engage in tellings its own story and controlling the content of that story as it say fit. (p.319).
Contemporary psychology is fruitfully pursuing the semiotic and discurseive nature of self as an intrinsically social process. (p.320).
If the idea of a nation having an identity means anything at all, then to the extent that the concept borrows by analogy from the psychology of individual selves - idas of selves as discursive; capable of being differently shaped by different sources; having distinctive points of view; having powers to act in accordance with those perspectives, known that they have ideals which they must live up to; knowing who or what they do not want to be like; being plural; and integrating all of these processes into the story of themselves which they tell and retell, especially to their newest and youngest members - these would constitute elements of that complex process which is national identity-formation and -maintenance. (p.321)
It is the idea of invention that unites the concepts of art and national identity. Ernest Gellner has written that Nationalism is not the awakening of nations to self-consciousness; it invents nations where they do not exist - hut it does need some pre-existing differentiating marks to work on . (Gellner, 1964. p. 169). Benedict Anderson (1991), wishing to avoid the possible association of invention with falsification prefers the ideas of imagining and creation. He writes that all communities larger than primordial villages of face-to-face contact (and perhaps even these) are imagined (p.6). Anderson goes on to say that the nation is imagined as limited in its boundaries, sovereign in its freedom, and communal, in that the nation, irrespective of deep internal social divisions and inequalities, is always conceived as a deep horizontal comradeship (p. 7). 
Benson puts these concepts to work in considering the post-colonial project of Irish art from the Irish Literary renaissance to the present, taking into account particularly the integration (or failure to integrate) varieties, and the travesty of sentimentalism.
Micheal Ó Suilleabhain, All Our Central Fire: Music, mediation and the Irish psyche, pp.331-53.
Sheila M. Greene, Growing up Irish: Development in context, pp.355-71.
Cites findings of European Value Systems Study (Fogarty, Ryan and Lee, 1984) that The qualities emphasied in Ireland are in many ways those of a solid citizen and reliable worker; tolerant, unselfish, with good manners towards others; hard-working, self-controlled and standing on his or her own feet; obedient to authority, and imbued with religious faith, with less emphasis on thrift, patience, determination, perseverance, imagination than their European counterparts.
Notes low social mobility and barriers of a scale that marks Ireland out as an exceptional case.
No strong tradition of advocacy of childrens rights the rights of the unborn child more emphasised than those of the born child.
The childs imagination cannot but be influenced by the iconography of the chruch, which one suspets must jostle for dominance with the inconography of todays popular culture and with fragments from the nations history and from its Gaelic heritage. (p.365).
McCarthy, Work and Mind: Searching for our Celtic legacy, ppp.373-89.
It is further suggested that Irish women and managers could seek inspiration form our mythological and Celtic women leaders of the past (Queen Mebh and Saint brigid) who embodied the characteristics of independence, autonomous action, clear decision making and caring - our tru Celtic legacy. (p.383).
Final appeal to chaos theory.
Mark Morgan and Joel W. Grube, The Irish and alcohol: a clasic case of ambivalence, pp.391-403.
Anne M. Hickey, et al., No safer sex, please, were Irish: Sexual functioning and the use of safer sex practices in an Irish HIV positive cohort, pp.405-17.
Margaret M. Barry, Community perceptions of mental disorder: An Irish perspective, pp.416-47.
William Duncan, Law and the Irish psyche: the conflict between aspiration and experience, pp.448-55.
Paul OMahony, The Irish psyche imprisoned, pp.456-68.
A nations psyche finds its voice primarily through literature. In the Irish case, literature is doubly important both because the literary mode has tended to be the dominant form of artistic expression and because Irelands writers have had, on the international stage, a powerfu], widespread impact greatly disproportionate to the size of the country. Partly for these reasons but also because the Irish are especially qualified by virtue of their historical experience of oppression, intermittent colonization, and an excessive perhaps unwarranted, share of the burden of imprisonment, Irish literature has contributed some of the most celebrated accounts of imprisonment in the English language. The best known works are Mitchels Jail Journal or Five Years in British Prisons (1919), Behans The Borstal Boy (1958)and Wildes Ballad of Reading Gaol ( 1944) [dates sic]. There is also a strong tradition of Irish books on miscarriages of justice which sometimes offer vivid personal accounts and well-informed critiques of penal methods. Contemporary cases include the Birmingham Six and the Guildford Four, but the tradition goes back to and beyond the notorious Maamtrasna case of the 1880s (Waldron, 1992). It is also perhaps not a pure coincidence that it is an Irishman, Brian Keenan (1992), who has provided one of the most enlightening accounts of the related experience of captivity as a hostage. 
Wilde s Ballad of Reading Gaol was particularly influential and provides both the title and epigram - every prison that men build, is built with bricks of shame, and bound with bars lest Christ should see, how men their brothers maim - for the modern British penal reformer, Vivien Sterns recent book, Bricks of Shame (1989) The ballad continues: The vilest deeds like poison weeds, bloom well in prison air, it is only what is good in man, that wastes and withers there- This typifies the Irish literary stance on imprisonment, which tends to be anti-authority and challenging of its Legitimacy not only when, as in Wildes case, the viewpoint is explicitly that of the Irish rebel, but also when the issues are less ostensibly political. Undoubtedly, the iconoclastic tone flourishes more freely in Irish writing because the prison authorities that are the target of criticism are often either foreign, usually English, or, if Irish, perceived to be part of an imposed, unrepresentative administration. The Irish voice is essentially the voice of the prisoner./ While there is no equivalent Irish penological tradition of theoretical writing, Shaw (1922) has produced a thought-provoking and unjustly neglected essay on penal philosophy, which strikes a note entirely consistent with the characteristically negative critique of imprisonment voiced in Irish poetry and autobiography. Shaw brilliantly uncovers the contradictions in our approach to imprisonment and goes so far as to suggest that imprisonment ... is a worse crime than any of those committed by its victims, for no single criminal can be as powerful for evil or as unrestrained in its exercise, as an organised nation. (pp.462-63.)
Ken Heskin, Terrorism in Ireland: The Past and the future, pp.469-79.
Attributes the concept of authoritarianism to Adorno (1950); enlists concept of superego trip to account for IRA behaviour against stream of rationale analysis, defining it as acting on the assumption that whatever behaviour best satisfies the demnads of ones superego will be most effectie in attaining ones realistic goals. In other words, if you jude the effectiveness of your overt acts in terms of whether they make you feel good morally, rather than whether they have changed external reality in the ways you had planned, youre superego tripping (citing Elms, 1976; p.475).
Official and unofficial groups whose modus operandi includes the use of force and which tend to be conservate in their ideology and organisational structure, whether it be police forces, military or nationalist-separatists paramilitary forces such as the Provisional IRA, will tend to attract individuals who are somewhat more authoritarian than normal. This apparent authoritarianism does not translagte for many terrorist groups into ready obedience ot the wishes of the state or ven the church since terrorist groups often respect a transcendental authority whch, in the case of the Provisional IRA, lies in the nistory and myth of those engaged in the struggle for Irish emancipation [sic] in earlier times. (p.471)
Ego-idealism: defending ones ideological postion without compromise, even when external criteria strongly indicate that the cause will be lost. (Elms, 1986).
Certain recent events in respect of secret negotiations between the Provisional IRA and representatives of the British govt. would indicate that the Provisional IRA leadership is seeking a new direction. ... Given the strong authoritarian and superego aspects of the thinking of the Provisional IRA, the key to clinching a deal inevitably lies in the ability of the British and Irish governments to engage them at that level, as well as the more mundane, but, I suggest, psychologically more important level concerning such matters as the release of prisoners and so forth.
In the past, the Realpolitik of the Irish conflict could produce either some winners and some losers or all losers because of the zero-sum nature of the problem defined. The people of Ireland, North and South, have all been losers because they have defined their situation as one inw hich only some of their number could win if others lost. (p.477)
Ed Cairns, Understanding conflict and promoting peace in Ireland: Psychologys contribution, pp.480-93.
Noel Sheehy, Talk about being Irish: Death ritual as a cultural form, pp.494-507.
In Irish culture self-identification and personal dependency for a child is channelled among a select and limited group of persons within the family setting thus allowing for strong emotional attachments to develop between family members (see Greene, 1994, in this issue). As a result, members of the family typically become unique and irreplaceable for the individual who invests in the family a high degree of emotional involvement. This increases a persons emotional vulnerability during phases of bereavement. Thus, we are not normally surprised that loss of a family member should prompt emigrants to spend considerable amounts of money returning for an Irish funeral. These occasions provide members of the family to re-orient themselves and renew the integrity of their social networks. (p.499)
The secularisation of Irish Society and the commensurate weakening of institutionalised religion has changed the content and performance of death ritual but appears not to have diminished a commitment to it. The symbolic rites which integrate the culture of the living with the immutable ancestral culture of the dead remain an integral part of an Irish answer to the threat to identity posed by death. They continue to reflect an underlying cultural philosophy  with its assumptions, values and beliefs. They provide part of a social contract among the living in which death is given meaning through a reassurance of continued existence after dying, within the cultural and spiritual lineage of the dead and the vitality of the surviving social order. (pp.505-06.)