SEARCH: imagotypical; national, -istic;
do chum gloire Dé & onóra ha hEireann [in Annals of
the Four Masters]; James I; legend-interpretation; osmosis; Ascendancy;
antiquarianism; Gaelic; Gaelicized; Gaelic League; polarisation; seminal;
political allegiance [bardic]; penal laws; retrojection; honour; OConor.
GEOGRAPHY: To Strabo, whose Geography
dates from the early first centrury ad, Ireland (called Ierne) is a half
mythical country beyond barbarous Britain, at the edge of the habitable
world. The inhabitants are wild and primitive, men who are complete
savages and lead miserable existences because of the cold (vol 1,
442), man-eaters as well as heavy-eaters, who piously devour their fathers
and have intercourse with sisters and mothers (vol 2, 258) [Leerssen,
1986, p.33.]
Roman Andalusian Pomponius Mela, in
De situ orbis (also called De chorographia): abundant grass
cattle burst from eating
peasants uncivilised, more ignorant of
all decency that other nations, wholly lacking in good faith.
William of Malmesbury sees Ireland
as dependent on English influence for its civilisation: Quanti enim
valeret Hibernia si non adnavigarent merces ex Anglia? It a peniuria,
immo pro inscientia cultorum, ieinum omnium bonorum solum, agrestem et
squalidam multitudinem Hibernensium extra urbes producit: Angli vero et
Franci, cultiori genere vitae, urbes nundinarum commercio inhabitant.
[What would Ireland be good for without the trade that comes from
England? Both the poverty and the ignorance of the peasants, and the non-producing
barenness of the soil, bring forth only the boorish and squalid crowd
of non-urban Irish, and the more civilised English and French inhabit
the trading towns. (De regum gestis Anglorum, ed. W Stubbs, vol 2 p.485)
[38]
Richard II, letter to Duke of York,
in 1395: en nostre terre Dirland sont trois maners des gentz., cestassavoir
Irrois savages nos ennemi, Irroix rebelx et Engleis obbeissantz,
quoted in Th. Chotzen, De Wilde Yr bij Vondel en elders, Tijdschrift
voor Nederlandsche taal- en letterkunde 53 (1934) 1-18. MAJOR SOURCE.
St Bernard of Clairvaux highlighted
the difficulties his friend St. Malachi had to overcome in Ireland.
Adrian IV: bulla Laudabiliter, 1155,
placing a desired reform of Irish morals and church affairs under responsibility
of HII, whom he authorised:
ut pro dilatandis ecclesie terminis,
pro viciorum restringendo decursu, pro corrigendis moribus et virtutibus
inserendis, pro Christiane religionis augmento, insulam ille ingrediaris.
[You will enter that island for the purpose of enlarging the boundaries
of the church, checking the descent into wickedness, correcting morals
and implanting virtues, and encouraging the growth of the faith of Christ.
(Cited in Giraldus Cambrienis, Expugnatio Hibernica, The conquest of Ireland,
AB Scott and FX Martin, eds. and trans., in A New History of Ireland::
ancillary publications, vol. 3.; Dublin, RIA, 1978; p. 146.
John Derricke, a long and vengeful
rhyming tract on raids of Irish soldiers (kernes) on the Pale.
On Stanyhurst: pp.42-47. Stanyhursts
belief in the role of the Pale-Engish as models of civility to the Irish
survived his own recusancy which otherwise softened his later works, when
he followed his tutor Edmund Campion into the Jesuit order. He wrote defining
the Irish: the people are thus enclined, religious, franke, amorous,
irefull, sufferable of infinite paynes, very glorious, many sorcerers,
excellent norsemen, delight with wars, great almsgivers, passing hospitality.
[47]
An
indication of the continuity
of medieval and colonial attitudes is the fact that the most important
16th c. writers were themselves Catholic: Campion and Stanyhurst. Edmund
Campion fled from England and stayed with his erstwhile Oxford acquaintance
Richard Stayhurst, producing a History of Ireland in manuscript there
in 1596, which he revised in an initial version of 1571. the MS was published
by Sir James Ware in 1633, but by that date, Stanyhursts description
of Ireland, printed in Holinsheds Chronicle of 1577, was already
based upon it. See Stanyhurt, A treatise contayning a playne and perfect
description of Irelande, in Raphael Holinshed, The first volume
of the chronicles of Englande, Scotland, and Irelande, London 1577.
Stanyhurst suppresses some and adds
other parts to the History. he deletes they are sharpe witted, lovers
of learning, capable of any studie, whereunto they bend themselves, constant
in travailes (Campion p.19). He follows Cambriensis and Campion
in regarding the Irish as amoral. Stanyhurst prefersin his own
wordsnot to impute any barbarous custome that shall be here
layde down, to
the inhabitants of the english pale .. (fol.
27.v.)
FURTHER: A conquest draweth, or at
the least wise ought to drawe to it, three things, to witte, law, apparayle,
and languague [sic]. For where the countrye is subdued, there the inhabitants
ought to be ruled by the same law that the conqueror is governed
and if anye of them lacke, doubtlesse the conquest limpeth. (fol. 3r.)
truely as long as these empaled dwellers did sunder themselves
as wel in land as in language, from the Irishe, rudenes was day by day
supplanted, civilitie engrassed, good laws established, loyaltie observed,
rebellion suppressed, and in fine the cyon of a yong England was lyke
to shoote in Ireland. But when their posteritie became not all togither
so wary in keeping, as their auncestors were valiant in conquering, and
the Irish language was free dennized in the English pale: this canker
tooke such a deepe roote, as the body that before was whole and soundes,
was by little and little festered, and in manner wholy putrified. (fol
2.v). God with hys grace, clarifie the eyes of that rude people that at
length they may see theyr miserable estate: and also that such, as are
deputed to the government thereof, bend their industry to concionable
pollicye to reduce them from rudenesse to knowledge, from rebellion to
obedience, from trechery to honesty, from savageness to civilitie, from
idlenes to labour, from wickednesse to godlyeness, whereby they may the
sooner espye their blyndenesse, acknowledge their loosenesse, amend their
lives, frame themselves plyable to the lawes and ordinaunces of hir Majestie,
whom god with hs gracious assistance preserve, as wel as to the prosperous
government of hir realm in England, as to the happye reformation of hir
realme in Ireland. Finis. (Fol. 28.v.) [45-46]
Thomas Smythe, Dublin apothecary,
denouncing Irish poets in 1561: these people be very hurtfull to
the commonwealle, for the chifflie mayntayne the rebells; and, further,
they do cause them that they would be true, to be rebellious theves, extorcioners,
mutherers, ravners, yea and worse if it were possible. Their furst practisse
is, if they se anye younge man discended of the septs of Ose or Max, and
have half a dowsen about him, then will they make him a Rime, wherein
they will commend his father and his aunchetours, nowmbyring howe many
heades they have cut of, howe many townes they have burned, and howe many
virgins they have defloured, how many notable murthers they have done,
and in the ende they willcompare them to Aniball, or Scipio, or Hercules,
or some other famous person; wherewithall the pore foole runs madde, and
thinkes indede it is so. [Quoted in Quiggin, 1911; not bibliographised.]
[53]
Harington ameliorated a short but
negative reference to Ireland in his translation of Orlando Furioso; Ariosto
had called Ireland and Isola del pianto etc. (X,93, p.286);
Harington translates: For Isle of wo it may be justly called,/Where
peerless peeces are abused so;/By monster vile to be devoured and thralled/Where
pyrats still by land and sea do go/Assalting forts that are but weakly
walled. [55]
For Fynes Moryson, laziness was the
root of all evils in the Irish character, making them love libertie
above all things, and likewise naturally
delight in musick, so
as the Irish harpers are excelent. [Leerssen, p.55]
Dunton was sufficiently intrepid to
make the journey to the West of Ireland to meet with the Irish savages
in their natural state. He was the first to identify the real Ireland
with the backward parts: a wild mountainous country in which the
barbarities of the Irish are so many and so common, that until I came
hither, I looked for Ireland in itself to no purpose. Quoted in
E. MacLysaght, Irish Life in the 17th Century (2nd ed. Cork/Oxford 1950).
Such trends were noticeably influenced
by a new appreciation of the Irish landscape.
Furthermore, the
concept of the sublime was now [73] beginning to create a
matrix for the aesthetic appreciation of such landscapes.
Especially
Edmund Burkes milsetone An enquiry into the origin of our ideas
of the sublime and beautiful (written around 1750, published in 1757)
linked the sublime definitively with notions like terror, obscurity, power,
vastness and infinity (chapter headings).
The theatre manager and historian
William Rufus Chetwood, who had employment in Dublin for a while, published
A tour through Ireland in several entertaining letters in 1746, which
presents a wholly new, positive enthusiasm towards the country, its landscape
and its inhabitants.
sets out to refute the strange stories
delivered in old geographers, viz Strabo, Solinus, Mela, and G. Cambriensis
9p.74); many curious and entertaining Particulars of a Kingdom,
which, to my certain knoweldge, has been grossly misrepresented
(p.3). He describes an English servant as the epitome of stupid anti-Irish
prejudice. Defended ridiculed Irish claim to ancient civilisation when
he gives his opnion that a Gaelic royal court: was much on the same
footing as her Neighbours and indeed the State of the whole Nation: What
do our Barons and the Feuds differ from the petty Princes of Ireland,
except in Title? We can gather from their Antiquaries, that each Monarch
always entertained the following ten Officers in his Court, which (by
the way) does not savour greatly of Barbairy, viz, a Lord or Prime Minister,
a Judge, an Augur or Druid, a Physician, a Poet, an Antiquary or Herald,
a chief Musician, and three Stewards of the Household (p.94). [Leerssen,
76]
Samuel Derrick, Irish born successor
to Beau Nash as master of Ceremonies at Bath, published a description
of various places in Ireland in 1767
incl. Killarney, one
of the most beautiful and romantic spots in this kingdom. [76]
John Bush, Hibernia curiosa. A letter
from a gentleman in Dublin, to his friend at Dover in Kent, giving a general
view of the manners, customs, disposition, &c., of the inhabitants
of Ireland (Lon 1769); a successful work read as a counter-blow to the
denigratory versions of Irish character, and attributing the miserable
conditions of the poor Irish not to their own vices but the the injustices
that left them in direst poverty. Denoucesn absenteeism, rackrents, middlemen,
religious tithes, etc., and identifies with the rural poor who live
in huts
of such shocking materials and construction that through
hundreds of them you may see smaok ascending from every inch of the roof
and through every inch of which defenceless coverings, the rain,
of course, will make its way to drip upon the half naked, shivering, and
almost starved inhabitants within. (p.30) [Leerssen, 77]
while
the priests and subordinate landlords, in ease and affluence, live in
haughty contempt of their poverty and oppression, of which the first proprietors
are but oo seldom, indedd, for the the interest of this kingdom, spectators
(ibid.).
The plagiaristic Tour through Ireland
of 1780, collected by Philip Luckombe from the descriptions of Bush, Twiss,
and Campbell. [79]
Arthur Young, pp.79-80.
Thomas Campbell, his account of a
young buxom lass from Roscommon, and a country squire from Galway
is a paean to the unaffected sincerity and grace of their native
character: I was delighted with it, for it was the original,
and I had hitherto seen only the copy. He refers to as all
the Chesterfieldian indecorums of [her] laughter when the squire
speaks Gaelic. Leerssen questions whether Campbell really witnessed the
scene he describes (in Philosophical Survey, 1777, p. 297), or whether
the little sketch is not as fictitious as the others that it refers to.
Goldsmith, in Descriptions of
the manners and customs of the native Irish in the Weekly magazine,
1759, under the subtitle of a letter from an English gentleman;,
prefers the native character to that of the Protestants who
share in the traditional shortcomings of the Irish without having their
national virtues to recompence these defects; includes a tale
of hospitality in a humble cottage, and pretends to be agreeably surprised
by the chastity of the comely daughter. Since Goldsmith never returned
to Ireland after 1952, the narrative is self-evidently fictitious.
If the Stage Irishman may, like a
court jester, challenge the audiences superiority (involving both
their national, English superiority over his Irishness, and their supremacy
as the theatres ultimate authority), he must, like a court jester
ultimately confirm it, be made to acknowledge the hierarchic order of
things
to defuse or sublimate the ongoing political conflict of
which his nationality is a reminder.
Ben Jonsons Irish masque at
court (1613) [88-9].
Thomas Stuckeley, in The Battell of
Alcazar, by George Peele, printed 1594 [90]; Famous historye of The Life
and Death of captaine Thomas Stuckeley, printed 1605.
Sir Robert Howards The committee,
which, though not divulged until after the Restoration, was probably written
in Cromwellian times. It is strongly anti-Roundhead and pro-Cavalier,
describing the efforts of gallant captain Careless to hold on to his lands
without signing the obnoxious coventant.
Teg was such a successful
and popular creation that the play, in its fourth ed., received the subtitle
The faithful Irishman; Teg is a truly seminal Stage Irishman [Leerssen,
100-01].
John Crowns City politiques
(1683) which dealt with the split between whiggish London and a Cavalier
court, false witnesses are brought in to testify that a plot of high treason
is being hatched. The witnesses nationality is Irish, their religion
Catholics.. the witness reveals his unreliability in a bull tantamount
to a confession of perjury: Tish is de man I was bid to shwear against.
Thomas Shadwell [104-108]; equates
witchcraft and popery; towards the end a messanger arrives from the capital
and arrests Tegue ODivelly for complicity in the Popish Plot. [106]
Drydens Mac Flecknoe (ca. 1678) sardonically hails Shadwell as the
successor of boring Richard Flecknoe; insulted by the patronymic, Shadwell
defended himself against the charge of Irishness, as if the throwaway
insult had cut deepest; his defence contained in the preface to his Tenth
Satyr of Juvenal (1687) where he peevishily protests against Drydens
..giving me the Irish name Mack, when he knows I never say Ireland
till I was three and twenty years old, and was there but four months.
His father was Recorder of the City of Galway. Leerssen believes that
the play exorcises subliminal doubts of Church of England belief and also
the taint of Irishness. The part of Tegue ODivelly, acted by Antony
Leigh, was revived in Shadwells sequel, The amorous bigotte. [107]
And ftn.98: Leigh appeared in Crownes City politiques as the lawyer
Bartolino, who uses a lisp; in Otways the cheats of Scapin, he imitates
Welsh, Lancashire and Irish accents as well as nautical slang. Also Teg
in The Committee. [464] And fnt. 99: An echo of ODivelly appears
in the memoirs of captain Carleton where a certain Murtough Brennan, a
Kilkenny priest in Spain, attempts to debauch a young woman in a confessional.[464]
In the Elder Colmans plays,
a good Irishman is an Anglicised one, such as the Irish Oxonian Knowall,
in The Oxonians in town, who says: National reflections are always
mean and scandalous: but it is owning to such men as these that so much
undeserved scandal has been thrown on our country: a country, which has
always produced men as remarkable for honour and genius as any in the
world. &c. Colman defended himself against the inmputation of
national bigotry thus and by dedicating the piece to the leading Irish
Patriot political, Hely Hutchinson. .. so far from intending to
cast an illiberal reflection on the irish nation, it was evidently his
main design to vindicate the gentlement of that country from the reproach
deservedly incurred by worthless adventurers and outcasts
&c.
(The Oxonians in town, p.[v], ftn.111 [465].
Bog-witticisms, or, Dear Joys
common-places (ca. 1690); The Irish Hudibras (see Spoken English In Ireland,
Dolmen 1979).
Farquhars Stage Irishmen, p.115-120;
Susannah Centlivres Stage Irish, 120.
Charles Shadwell, The Humours of the
Army (1713), set in Portugal, with chars. of four nations, of whom Major
Outside has a broad brogue and another, called Young Fox, an Irish major,
speaks standard English, ergo Gaelic and Anglo-Irish. [127]
Charles Molloys The Half-Pay
Officers (1720), borrows characters Fluellen and Macmorris (Mackmorrice)
from Shakespeares Henry V. [127]
Irish songs and airs popular in the
period, such as Eibhlín a rún, and Droimeann
donn dílis (the latter a Jacobite song) were incorporated
in dramas such as Coffeys The Beggars Wedding, after Gay,
which uses the former (1729, p.29) [129]. The song Drimmendoo
is referred to as the typical Irish song in Smolletts Humphrey Clinker.
Thomas Sheridan: The stage Irishman
had become so stratified [i.e. petrified] that anti-stage Irishmen could
be thought of. Captain OBlunder is the first example. The Brave
Irishman was performed in 1746 and first printed in 1754, largely from
actors memories; an early version was acted in Dublin in 1737, with the
title The Honest Irishman. OBlunder is equipt with stage Irish signifiers,
but prevails through courage and humour. He forces a stage-Frenchman to
eat a potato, much as Fluellen forces Pistol to eat a leek; he is made
out to be fond of Gaelic and eager to meet other Gaelic speakers. [131]
Sheridan is concerned with the fortunes of his Irishman in England, who
becomes involved in a rivalry with Cheatwell for the hand of his fiancee
Lucy. A mixture of naive honesty and irascible courage, he is handed over
by Cheatwell as a madman to two doctors whom he believes to be inn-keepers.
Leerssen comments: the question of imputed insanity sums up Sheridans
treatment of the confrontation of Irish and English nationality: the madness
that the Englishman imputes to the Irishman and that he sees confirmed
in each national and personal peculiarity deviating from English pre-expectations,
is in the end shown to lie in the misunderstanding between the parties
rather than within either of the parties concerned. [132]
Charles Macklin: Love a la mode, Drury
Lane in late 1759; rivalry of four suitors for the hand of witty, wealthy
Charlotte, incl. Sir Callaghan Brallaghan, in Prussian service, the all
too soldierly soldier. Sir Brallaghans martial pride takes the form
of an expression of British patriotic pride which exempts him from ridicule,
disappointing the convention. The play is a moral lesson on the need for
honesty to overcome prejudice. [134] The true-born Irishman, performed
Dublin 1761, and unsuccessfully in London 1767; the London ed. is prefaced
by a prologue stating the intnetion of presenting a Milesian spring,
confessd in every part/Hibernias Seal impressd on Tongue
and Heart./Nay more, our Bard still rises in Offence,/And dares give Irish
Tones a sterling sense./But what is stranger still, indeed a wonder./He
hopes to make him please without a Blunder. And finally: This
is his plan, on this you must decide,/Hes on his Country fairly
to be tried. In the treatment of Mrs. ODoghertys anglicising
pretensions on returning from the coronation of George III, Macklin represents
her social polishing as a fall from grace. Mr ODoghertystyled
Diggerty by his wiferemonstrates against her: ..let me have
our good, plain, old Irish English, which I insist is better than all
the English English that ever coquets and coxcombs brought into the land.
[136] When ODogherty utters his paean to fine sounding Milesian
namesOCallaghans, OSullivans, OBrallaghans,
Oshaghnesses, OFlahertys, OGallaghers, and ODoghertysOgh, they have courage in the very sound of themthe
irony is that Macklin himself has refashioned his name. ODogherty
whiggishly refuses to accept preferral for a title at the price supporting
the Government, thus exemplifying the stance of the the Patriotic party.
[138]. The True Born Irishman also includes a denunciation of absenteeism,
and other ills. Leerssen comments, after Macklin one can see the
Stage Irishman undergoing a sentimentalisation
[139]
Richard Cumberlands Major Dennis
OFlaherty, appearing first in The West Indian, was a star-vehicle
for Moody and Owenson. Another hero your excuse implores,Sent
by your sister kingdom to your shores;/Doomd by Religions
too severe command,/To fight for bread against his native land/A brave,
unthinking, animated rogue,/With here and there a touch upon the brogue./Laugh,
but despise him not, for on his lip/His errors lie; his heart can never
trip (Prologue). Leerssen quotes briefly from Bartleys more
extensive excerpt from Cumberlands Memoirs, I, 274-76, in which
he explains the circumstances and motives involved in the creation of
this character: an opportunity of shewing at least my good will
to mankind, if I introduced the characters of persons, who had been usually
exhibited on the stage, as the butts for ridicule and abuse, and endeavoured
to present them in such lights, as might tend to reconcile the world to
them, and them to the world. Cumberland speaks of the courage and
honour natural to a character in spite of the impolitic alternative,
to which his religious disqualification had reduced a gallant and a lyal
subject of his natural king. Likeable OFlaherty was revived
later in The Natural Son (1784).
In Isaac Jackmans comic opera
The Milesian, Captain Cornelius Ogollagher is described as certainly
an indifferent orator, and yet his expressions come so truly from the
heart that he makes his audotors feel, altho they smile at him.
And NOTE: In Isaac Jackmans
The Divorce, there is a scene in which an amiable Irish wooer of rich
and elderly ladies is taken for a Frenchman, and teaches his sweetheart
Irish as if it were French. (p.23). (ftn.114 [465]
W. C. Oultons farce Botheration
(1798) ends with the trusty Irish servant pointing out that [his]
tongue may blunder, but [his] heart neer can. [144] ALSO:
And Thady OBlarneys ambition shall be, to serve faithfully
and honestly those kind Masters and Mistresses before whome he has now
the honour to stand. Leerssen comments: the character steps
back and the actor re-emerges: the servant of play charactrs becomes the
servant of the theatre-going public. [145] His ideological roleexpresses in a show-stopping songis to promote the doctrine
of sweet sisters, Ireland and England in the face of Napoleonic
threat: And teach invaders, should they come, their rafts are all
in vain And NOTE: In Oultons Botheration a switch of identities
between a frank Irish footman and a grouch physician is used to make the
doctor see that he treats his servants with less courtesy than is their
due. (ftn.121) [465])
Richard Griffiths Variety (1782):
Leerssen quotes [as does Duggan] Lady Fallals profession of pride
in her brogue, ending: Soften off a little of my brogue
I would not part with anything I brought from my own dear country upon
any account whatever;
I think my brogue, as you call it, the prettiest
feather in my cap; because it tells everyone I am an Irish woman; and
I assure you , I am prouder of that title, than I am of being called my
lady Fallal. For I dont believe theres a Fallal to be found
in all Ireland, except myself, and Im out of it. (1782, p.18).
[145]
Captain Mullinaheck, in OKeeffes
The world in a village (1793): Madam, let me be blown into chops
and griskins from the mouth of a cannon, when I turn my face as an enemy
against George my belovd King, and Ireland my honoured country!
[146]. His comic opera Fontainbleu (1790) features an Irish innkeeper
in France who lures English tourists to her establishment (The British
Lion), with English fare and English jingo-ism: English! thats
what I am. I was born in Dublin.
Mrs Griffith, The Platonic Wife (1765)
contrasts the Irish servant patricks loyalty with the perfidy of
the French chambermaid Fontange. Patrick serves Mr. Frankland, Fontange
serves Emilia. Fontange betrays her mistress to Frankland, but Patrick
reveals his evil intent, and comes to foresee a joyful repatriation as
fitting reward. [151]
The South Briton, by A Lady
(1774), dedication dated from Dublin [152]
Cumberlands The Note of Hand
(1774), a moral lesson against racing and gambling, has Young Rivers gamble
away his Irish estate to his disguised uncle; the tenant OConnor
MacCormuck teaches him the effects of his profligacy, and converting him,
is made agent for the esate: tell my needy tenants, the shall no
longer be rackd to pamper the carcase of a race-horse, and support
the profligate excesses of the gaming table. [156] MacCormuck reveals
the trickery and deceits of the card-sharpers.
OKeeffe, The Prisoner at Large
(Newmarket, 1778) set near Killarney lakes; here the tenants are being
racked by the middleman Dowdle, acting for absentee Lord Esmond, then
on the Grand Tour; the evil Count Fripon, a sharper, is trying to collect
the rents; and when Esmond returns he manages with the help of honest
Jack Connor to overthrow the schemes of middleman and parasite. [158]
William Macready, The Bank Note (n.d.
given here) has a servant Killeavy who quits his masters service
on an insult; accepts an apology, but will nt resume service with him.
Another servant morally superior to his master is Murtagh Delany, servant
to Mr Connoolly, an inveterate snob, in his Irishman in London (1793):
Faith, Sir, begging your pardon, I think a man does not desarve
to belong to any country, thats ashamed to own it. Murtagh
is the servant discusses in Duggan who refuses to see any manufactures
in England to compare with the oyster beds in Poolbeg or the lying-in
Hospital in Dublin: they are the right sort of manufactories
those that provide comfortable lodgings, and every sort of meat and bread,
for poor craters that cant provide for themselves. [160]
William OBrien, The Duel (1772)
featured trigger-happy Sir Dermot OLeinster and his son.
Hugh Kelly, The School for Wives,
written to remove the imputation of barbarous ferocity, which dramatic
writers, ever meaning to compliment the Irish nation, have connected with
their ideas of that gallant people. (1774, p.iv.)
they are
drawn with a brutal prompitude to quarrel
to make them, proud of
a barbarous propensity to duelling
is to fasten a very unjust reproach
upon their general character
. (p.v.) He vests dislike for the
duel in a middle class clerk, Connolly. In this wayLeerssen remarksthe Irish gentleman with a predeliction for duelling is not contradicted
by a differently inclined Irish gentleman but counterbalanced by a middle-class
Irishman. Connollys wisdom is: I prefer a snug berth in this
world, bad as it is, to the finest coffin in all Christendom
I
hope to see the day that it will be infamous to draw their [gentlemens]
swords against any body but the enemies of their country.
Leerssen quotes from newspaper comments
on the disgrace of Sheridans portrait of the duelling Irishman in
Sir Lucius, at the infamous first night of The Rivals; scarce equals
the picture of a respectable Hotentot (Morning Chronicle, 18 Jan 1775);
so ungenerous attack upon a nation
so villainous a portrait
of an Irish gentleman, permitted so openly to insult the country upon
the boards of an English theatre (Morning Post, 21 Jan 1775). Leerssen
believes that the outrage was caused by the duellist not the Irishman.
Lee was replaced by Moody, leading the Morning Post to write: Mr.
Moody has OFlahertized Sir Lucius OTrigger very laughably.
(Jan. 17).
Moody, eulogised by Churchill in Rosciad
as the vindicator of his nations dignity, played OFlaherty
(in Cumberlands West Indian) in 1771, 1772, and 1773, and eight
times between 1782 and 1788 (see Bartley) [164]. Clinch brought to it
a very gentlemanly brogue, and naivete of manner [which] made Sir
Lucius so agreeable to the audience, that the part is likely to be as
fortunate to him as that of Major OFlaherty was to Mr. Moody
(London Evening Post). Assessing the furore, Leerssen comments: Sheridan
indirectly hurt the fabric of accomodation and pretended harmony that
was woven in the interest, and to the amusement, of the English audience
[after 1745] [164]. The press quotations are from the introduction
of Cecil Prices edition of the plays (2 vols, Clarendon Press; 1973).
The emendations made by Sheridan consist
in giving Sir Lucius a pretext for a duel in his reference to an insult
passed upon his country.
Leerssen: from Ben Jonsons ploy
to hide court masquers under Irish garb, to Shadwells exorcism of
an anti-Shadwell in the priest ODivelly, to the vicarious outrage
of the so-called sentimental blockheads at the anti-irish
insult which they felt Sir Lucius to contain, the stage Irishman seems
to have been consistently determined by attitudes governing the London
stage, rather than by his so-called national traits. [167]
a disproportionate
number of them are knights or baronets
[they] move in gentry or
aristocratic circles
all these hybrids
are
instances
of a proces by which an Irish nationality was to spring from a disregard
for cultural, economic, political and religious divisions within Irish
society
. [168]
Part II: GAELIC POETRY
Tara: the Feis Temro, for instance,
one of the national institutions traditionally referred to as corollary
to a functioning high-kingship, was in fact a fertility rite culminating
in the installation of a sacred king as spouse or consort of the sovereignty
goddess. [Leerssen, 175]
It is indicative of the complete absence
of anything resembling a politically effective national [outlook] or common
Gaelic political perspective that the Hiberno-Norman barons who settled
in Ireland were not, in the bardic view, specifically linked to England
and to the English king whose vassals they were. [Leerssen, 178]
There seems to have been a natural
reluctance to recognise the relativity of the Gaelic framework
the erection of feudal Norma castles in paricular was a visible and forcible
disruption
as a result, prphecies began to be prduced which link
expulsion
to the restoration of the high-kingship
Such pseudo-prophetic
modes of literary propaganda
were to persist for more than 600
years without being either materialised or abandoned. [180]
this
was not presented as a pan-Gaelic ideal based on inter-clan solidarity
[but] as part of the chieftains campaign to seize the high-Kingship
of Tara for himself.
Cairt eile ní iarrfa sibh/acht
tú ar thoradh do ghaisgidh/léim fa ghaoibh géara
doid ghuin/séala dhaoibh ar do dhúthaigh. [Those shalt
seek no other charter except they own reliance on they gallantry; to charge
against the sharp spears that peirce thee is thy true charter to this
land.] From Tuathal Ó hUiginns ode to Eoghan Ó
Raghallaigh (d.1449). [185]
Whereas the Gaelic overking exerts
vassalage from his lesser peers, the feudal king bestows it on his subjects.
[187]
Aonghus Ó Dálaigh, addressing
his Hiberno-Norman patron Richard FitzWilliam de Burgo: Cred agaibh
aoidhigh a gcéin/a ghiolla gusan ngaillgéimh,/a dhream ghaoidhealta
ghallda,/naoidheanta sheag shaorchlannda? When comes it that ye have guests
from afar, Ó youth of foreign beauty, Ó ye who are become
Gaelic, yet foreign, young, fraceful, and highborn?
Gearoid Iarla coins the term Eireannacht
to unite the Geal and Goill as inhabitants of the same country, defined
against the Saxaons with their king in London. In Keating, also, Gaedhal
and Sean-ghall are subsumed under the common term of Eireannach from which
the Nua-Ghall are explicitly excluded. [190-91]
Gearoid Iarla (Desmond): Fer
liom bheith gam bráithreachaibh/giobh creach a n-inntinn
umainn/ná beith a gcoir bhráighdeanais/ag ríogh Shaxan
i Lunainn. [I would rather be among my own folkeven
though they should harbour plans to plunder methan to find myself
imprisoned at the hands of the Saxons king in London.] He
was patron to Godraidh Fionn Ó Dálaigh. Ó Dalaigh
was in trouble with Desmonds father Maurice, who regarded his indiscriminate
poetical praises of various patrons as a form of fickleness. Leerssen
comments; what might at first sight seem bardic duplicity can in
fact be explained from the formulaic convention of bardic praise-poem
as a genre
the quarrel
was essentially a cross-cultural
misunderstanding. In making his apologies, Ó Dalaigh explains
in verse: I ndán na nGall gealltair linn/Gaoidhil dionnarbhadh
a hEirinn/Goill do shraoineadh tar sál sair/i ndán na nGaoidheal
gealltair. [In poems to the Goill we promise the driving of
the Gaoidhil from Eire; in those to the Gaoidhil we promise the driving
of the Goill East overseas!] [192]
Tadhg Dall Ó hUiginn addressing
Seán, the Mac Uilliam Iochtar, claims that sovereignty in Ireland
is won by force of arms, and exonerates the latest invaders in terms of
the invasions of their predecessors: Gi bé adéaradh
gur deóraidh/Búrcaigh na mbeart n-inleóghain-/faghar
dfhuil Ghaoidhil nó Ghoill/nách fuil na aoighidh
agoinn. [Should any say that the Brukes of lionlike prowess
are strangerslet one of the blood of Gael or Gall be found who
is not a sojourner amongst us.] To the ensuing verse, Gan
adhbhar le a mbiodhgfadh bean/gan leattrom Ghoill ag Gaoidheal/gan éadáil
Ghaoidil ag Gall/gan éagair aoinfhir dfhulang [without
anything which might make a woman tremble, no Gael committing injustive
against any Englishman, nor any Englishman despoiling a Gael, no wrong
of any man permitted], Charles OConor added the marginalia,
mo mallacht or a thaidhg is naireach an dan é so do dhiaidh
[curse you, Tadhg, this is a shameful poem you have left: TD vol
1, 120n. and vol 2, 255). Leerssen, however, interprets the poem in
the context of cultural fraternisation between Hiberno-Normans and Gaelic
culture as represented, and presided over, by the poets
stimulated
by the appearance of Tudor policy as a common threat to both. [199]
But poem has more often been interpreted as a cynical betrayal of the
foreigner.
.. the Tudor Protestants did indeed
develop a strong national; awareness in these conflictseven
to the point of imputing similar feelings to the native raiders. The real
origins of Aodh de Lacams sentiments [supra] can be found in men
like lord Roche rather than with Cormac mac Airt. [215]
We need only think of translation
of [Eoghan Rua mac an Bhairds poem addressed to Nual Ní Domhnaill,
An bhean fuair faill ar an bhfeart, where she is depicted
as a lonely mourner at the family tomb of the exiled ODonnells
in Rome, as The Woman of the Piercing Wailby JC Mangan] to
realise how such poetry could alter be subjected to a national or even
nationalistic reading. That no political commitment as such was present
in the intentions of these latter-day bardic poets becomes obvious, not
only in their tendency to see the political upheavals of their time exclusively
in their cultural (and by implication, professional) impact, but also
in the fact that many of them showed little compunction in shifting their
allegiance to the incoming powerthat is to say, to James I who,
they thought, might as a Scotsman and as successor to an originally Gaelic
throne to sympathetic to their causetheir professional cause,
that is: the maintenance of Gaelic learning.
a political metamorphosis
worthy of Ovid [220]
Cf. 240, infra:
the most interesting
poem of the mid 17th c. is An Síogaí Romhanach, the anonyous
vision poem sometimes attributed to a mac an Bhaird. It describes an allegorical
spirit-woman weeping at the tombs of ONeill and ODonnell in
Romea close parallel, as I have remarked before, to Eogahn Rua
mac an Bhairds poem ot Nualla Ní Domhnaill.
the poem
bewails the fact that the old prophecies have not come true
a future,
to wit, in which the scions of the great Gelic past will be conquerors.
[241]
Leerssen takes issue with the standard
interpretation of Fearghal Og mac an Bhairds poem on the accession
of James I (edited by Padraig Breathnach in Eigse 17 (1977-9). Whereas
a nationalist critic like Tomas Ó Concheanainn seeks to date it
earlier, in order to impose upon it the schema of his own patriotic feelingsa depth of patriotic feeling [involving] the hopes and fears
of his race during a very troubled period of Irish history (O Concheanainn)Leerssen sees it as an accomodation to the new dynasty: the
brilliant sun lit up: King James is the dispersal of all mist; the joint
mourning of all changed to glory; the great signs of change.[an
ghrian loinneardha do las;/sgaoileadh gach ceo Cing Séamas;/tug
na glóir comhorchra cháigh:/móir na comhortha
claochláidh. [221]
Leerssen goes on to say: There
is not any contradiction between the reading of this poem as an inaugural
ode and Fearghal Ogs loyalty to the Gaelic cause. he illustrates
with a eulogy to Queen Elizabeth by flann Mág Craith which was
interpreted by Standish OGrady (BMCat vol 1, 544) as mock-laudatory.
The poem has survivedin spite of the repugnance of some of its
editorsbecause it was answered by Daithi Ó Bruadair. Leerssen:
such poems prove that a nationalistic intent cannot be proved to
have been operative at the time
the breakdown of the bardic order
was lamented in purely personal terms [in view of their] own failed station
in the new social order. [224]
Leerssen educes the caste-theory of
Pairlement Chloinne Tomáis to show that social position was of
more account than national solidarity. [225]
Fearflatha Ó Gnimhs Mo
thruaighe mar táid Gaoidhil despairs of the degenerate Gaels
and the usurping English alike, and his Mairg do-chuaidh re cheird
ndúnthchais makes the sardonic point that there is no future
left in the poetry business: Tairnig onóir na héigse
.. Mathghamhain Ó hIfearnáin wrote a bitter injunction
to his his: A mhic ná meabhruigh éigse [son,
dont cultivate the poetic art]. [226]
The national division was blurred
by the bardic esteem for certain [228] non-Gaelic aristocrats, aas well
as by their loathing for the lower-class Gaels.
Keating in Foras
Feasa defended Ireland not by refuting English denigrations but by restricting
their application to the lower classes [228]
concern for the languages heritage
and future began to actuate the discursive activities of Irish priests
and monks living in exile on the Continent
culminat[ing] in the
production of a seminal Irish grammar written in Latin by theologian Francis
Molloy in 1677. [233]
Donncha mac an Chaoilfhiaclaighs
Do frith, monuar, an uainsi ar Eirinn [239]
Eamonn an Dúnas Mo
lá leóin go dEo go n-éagad [My eternal
day of sorrow] exemplifies hateful English: Transport, transplant,
mo mheabhair ar Bhéarla./Shoot him, kill him, strip him, tear him/A
Tory, hack him, hang him rebel./A rogue, a thief, a priest, a papist.
[241]
An Síoga Rómhánach,
an anonymous vision poem attributed to a Mac an Bhaird. It ends: the
Gaels in arms shall triump, their nobles shall bear sway over unbelievers,
their faith will be without blight or eclipse. their church, brothers
and bishops, priests and good clergy, will be teaching the flock.
[242]
Leerssen treats of aisling poetry,
247-9. He outlines the recurrent topos of puella senilis, but quarrels
with the traditional reading of the type as a reproach of the errant femaleno better than a meirdreach who gives her love to every foreigner
adventurer (T. ORahilly, Eriu, 1943), arguing instead that
foreigner, Gael and Eire stand in a triangular relationship in which
no-one is wholly free from blame and in which, conversely no one is exclusively
guilty. [247-48].
The most important poet straddling
the reigns of James II and William III was Dáibhí Ó
Bruadair whose work offers a cross-section of all those post-bardic, proto-national
attitudes I have outlined so far.
still retained the old bardic
pride in his literary calling
voice[s] sardonic regrets at his
now worthless accomplishments as a poet [251]
tendency to view
the political situation from a professionally literary point of view
the old bardic view which saw the triumph of English aggression primarily
as a class upheaval
[253]
the choice patron in no way indicative
of real political allegiance
[254]
The Stuarts had been able, from the
beginning, to count on a cautiously sympathy among Gaelic poets, owing,
perhaps to
their [Gaelic] lineage
Irish Catholics. James
II reign provided the political focus which united Catholic, post-bardic
and anti-colonial views into a nationally Gaelic ideology. Ó Bruadairs
poetry is the expression of this. [253-255]
Leerssen reads Aogan Ó Rathaille
as nearer to the aristocratic poet, marked by profound fatalism regarding
the civilisation he represents in its final crisis after the Boyne, that
to the nationalist poet that his editors and the Gaelic League enthusiasts
Dinneen, Ó Donnchadha, and Corkery discovered in him. [260ff.]
The poetry of the 18th c. in the wake
of Ó Rathaille, is indicative of an outlook on the English-Gaelic
confrontation in which religious, linguistic, or more broadly cultural
aspecs, economic and legal factors and a well-defined politcal stance
(Jacobitism) have been welded into a coherently structured ideology which,
I think, may be called nationally Gaelic
[they] accepted their
appurtenance, no longer to specific caste or social class, but to the
totality of Gaeldom, religiously and socially defined by the penal laws,
culturally by the Irish language, and politically by their Jacobitism:
this fact constitutes in itself the act of allegiance by which a national
group creates its own self-recognition as such. [275]
A letter of An Mangaire Sugach to
Richard McElligott [with Theophilus OFlanagan, a founder of the
Gaelic society of Dublin in 1807, vide Leerssen 426] explains the dearth
of surviving manuscripts: there were so many severe & penal
laws Instituted & enacted against them, their Authors patrons, &
other Encouragers; by which means they were expelled, & obliged to
quit their Country, Family, Friends, & other protectors; so that there
are hardly any fotsteps [sic] of them to be traced till now that by the
lenity of the present Government, they begin to breath, & hope to
be encouraged, & redressed; yet it will take up a great deal of Time
& labour to collect specimens of their work and anecdotes of their
lives, & [blot of sealing wax here] translations, and that by traversing
a great part of the country far & near & by Improving an acquaintance
with many distant Correspondents. (RIA MS 24 0 55), [288]
.. an auto-image of a Gaelic Ireland
of ancient civilisation and cultural refinement (impying as its obverse
the un-Irish foreignness and cultural disruption introduced by the anti-Gaelic
forces) was transmitted from the bardic poets into middle-class Dublin
in the late 18th c. An imagotypial polarity is thus created and perpetuated
in which England and Ireland are made to coincide
with foreign barbarism and native civilisation.
the imagotypical binaries are each others mirror images.
[289]
Part III: The Public Assertion
of Irish Civility
Irish intellectual activity at Paris,
Salamanca, Lisbon, Douai; Seville,Rouen, Bordeaux, Louvain and Rome. ...
A cultural propaganda war which, on the Irish side, tended to aim for
a refutation of the English slander on the Irish character and civilisation.
[293]
recusant Old English tended to become
Jesuits whereas the Gaelic exiles drifted mainly towards the Franciscan
Order
in France and Spain respectively [293]
Jesuit Henry Fitzsimon, a Palesman,b.
Dublin 1566, imprisoned 1599-1604, answered John Rider Protestant Dean
of St. Patricks challenge to prove certain teachings from Catholic
doctrine with Brief collections from the Scriptures, MS (1601);
Rider answerd wtih a printed pamphlet, A friendly caveat to Irelands
Catholics, and at the next turn with Rescript. On the continent, Fitzsimon
published A Catholic confutation of Mr Riders claim to antiquitie
(Rouen 1608), with a dedicatorie epistle to the Catholickes
of Ireland and of all Estates and Degrees. Fitzsimon later issued
Justification and exposition of the divine sacrifice of the masse (1611),
also against Rider.
Anonymous Breve relacion de la presente
persecucion in Irlanda (Sevilla 1619); Maurice Conry, Old French bishop
of Fernss denunciation of Cromwellian persecution, Threnodia Hiberno-Catholica
(Innsbruck 1659); Anthony Bruodine (i.e. Mac Bruaideadha), list of Irish
martyrs in Propugnaculum Catholicae veritatis (1669). [294-95]
Jesuit Cornelius OMahoney, b.
Co Cork; Disputatio apologetica et manifestativa de iure regni Hiberniae
Catholicism Hibernis adversos haereticos Anglos (Lisbon; with impression
disguising it as Frankfurt). Argues that England never had any title to
Ireland, and if so, forfeits it on grounds of heresy. His motive in writing:
nec Angli mirari debent quod Catholicus Hibernicus pro iure Catholicorum
Hibernorum contra iniuriam haetericorum Anglorum pugnem [nor
should the English marvel I, an Irish Catholic, do battle for the right
of the Catholic Irish against the injustice of a heretical English.]
[295-96] The book ends with an exhortation: Agite ergo Catholici
Hiberni, & felicem finem imponite operi, quod incaepistis, & nolite
timere haereticos adversios, timete, & amate Deum, eius praecepta
servate, & fidem defendite, & ipse vobis retribuet & immarcosibilem
gloriae coronam, quam mihi, & vobis praestare dignetur. [Onwards
then, ye Catholics, crown with success the work you have undertaken, and
do not hear your heretical adversaries, but fear and love God, serve his
precepts and defend the faith, and he sahll reward you and may deign to
vouchsafe all of us the undiminishing crown of glory]. OMahoney
urges the reinstating of a high-kingship, preferably Gaelic [vernaculum
seu naturalem Hibernum]anticipating Gaelocentric nationalismthus going against the Confederations claim of loyal support to
Charles I, and was accordingly banned by Rinnucinis party. [296]
The collapse of the Confederation
sparked a letter by one Paul King, printed in 1649 which started an acrimonius
debate between Rinuccinian and anti-Ormondists (John Poncius, Nicholas
French, and the two authors of the large Commentarius Riniccinianus),
and on the other Richard Bellings (who also continued Sydneys Arcada)
and John Callaghan, authors of similarly titled works. [297]
A du[a]l purpose can be noticed in
Continental Gaelic scholars: to reassert Gaelic civility by pointing at
the countrys proud achievements in matters of religion. [297]
The Catalan El Desseoso printed in
Irish version as Emanuel, or Scáthán an chrábhaidh
or Desiderius (Louvain 1616), translated by Flaithrí Ó Maolchonaire,
authority on Augustine of Jesuit leanings, later Archbishop of Tuam. Sgáthán
shacramuinte na haidrithe (1618) by Hugh Mac Caghwell [nick-named Mac
Aingil], indebted to Bonaventura OHusseys (brother of
Eochaid Ó hEoghusa) catechism of 1611. Parthás an anma (1645),
by Anthony Gernon. Unprinted translations into Irish of St Francis de
Sales, Jaun Eusebio Nieremberg, Angelo Ellis, and Thomas a Kempis. Devotional
works, Dowleys Suim bhunadhasaigh an teagaisg Chriosdaidhe (1663),
a cathecism influenced by Gernons book of 1645 and which was reprinted
in 1728 as an appendix to Hugh Mac Curtins Elements of the Irish
language; Francis Molloys Lucerna fidelium or Lochrann na gcreimheach
(1676). The treatise of miracles (1667), a bilingual work by Richar Archdekin,
SJ; Andrew Donlevy, Teagasg Criosduidhe (Paris 1742). Cornelius Nary,
Prayers and meditations (Dublin 1705); Rules and godly instructions (1716);
A cathecism for the use of the parish (1718). James Gallagher, Catholic
bishop of Raphoe, Irish sermons, in Gaelic (Dublin 1737). 2298-99]
Philip Ó Clerigh, Grammatica
Hibernica, Franciscan college (Rome 1637); Anthony OConnor, Brevis
Instructio in Grammatica Hibernica (Prague 1659); Micheal Ó Clerighs
dictionary of archaic Gaelic, Louvain, 1943; also his Foclóir nó
sanasan nua; Tuileanga Ó Maolchonaire wrote a redaction of Tadhg
Og Ó hUiginns prosody in Madrid, 1659.
Theobald Stapleton, Cathechismus,
seu doctrina Christina Latino-Hibernica, per modum dialogi inter magistrum
et discipulum (Bruxellis 1639): miserum est tot videre Hibernos, qui aliam
mullam praeter Hibernicam linguam norunt, orationem Dominicam, Synbolum
Apostolorum, Praecepta Dei & Ecclasiae, & caetera, quae Christianus
scire tenetur, corruptis ac indecorislinguae Lantinae [sic] verbis recitare
audentes, nescientes quid dicunt [sad sight to see so many
Irish
reciting (prayers)
in corrupt and unbecoming Latin,
not knowing what they are saying ..]; nulla exstate nation in universo
orbe quae suae Patriae linguam nativam scire, legere, aut scibree praeclarum
esse, not existimet[there exists no nation on earth which
does not consider it highly important to know, read, and write the language
of the Fatherland]; qua ratione consentaneum est, ut nos Hiberni
nostram linguam & idoma retineamus, excolamus & extollamus, quae,
quod ita iacet deserta, quasi in oblivionem iret, tribuendum vitio est
linguaw Hiberniae Authoribus atque Poetis, qui eam verborum osbcuriorum
varietate offuscaverunt; nec culpa vacent plerique nostrae Patriae viri
nobiles ac primarii, qui linguam suam (tametsi olim celebrem ac locupletem)
respuentes, externas amplectuntur, in iisque addiscendis temporis iacturam
faciunt, maternaque lingua (quae ab antiquitate, perfectione, at elegante
maxime commendatur, paenitus eradicata, & exterminata est [for
that reason it is fitting that the Irish hold on to, cultivate and raise
up our native language and speech whose present neglect, hearly to the
point of oblivion, is to be blamed on the bad style of literary and poetical
Irishmen, who have obfuscated it under a welter of overly obscure words;
nor are most of the leading and noble men of our Ftherland free from guilt,
who scorning its language, (so celebrated and thriving of old) embrace
foreign ones; in learning these they make a sacrifice of time while their
mother tongue (which is commended by its antiquity, perfection and elegance)
lies nearly wholly uprooted and exterminated] [all p.xiv-xv]. [300-01]
Francis Molloy, Grammatica Latino-Hibernica
compendiata (Romae 1677): multorum inuria
ortum habuit, quod Catholicise
Hibernorum Nationi malleum inter, & incudem diu positae, ex quo praeli
introductum est beneficium inhibitum fuerit, ne dum proprii Idiomatis
studium; verum etiam publicus, imo privatus (proh dolor!) passim usus,
ut vel sic antiquissima Patriae monumenta, Sanctorum vitae, Religio, Ecclesiae
traditiones, & memoria protractu temporis, sepulta penitus iacerunt,
& aeterna tandem traderentur oblivioni: quo fit hodie ut rudiores
in populo linguam, quam no noverant, audiant; decipiantur in dies, inque
infinitos propemodum seducantur errores. Ego idciro Idiota quidem, zelo
tamen, quo debui, ductus, tanto volens occurrere damno, no funditus Opusculum
compsoui, tum doctis, tum indoctis, Anglis, Scotis, Hibernis, aliisque
quibuscunque ad praefatum Idiomaa discendum, legendum, scribendum, dibte
pronuciandum, conservandumque. [it has resulted from the injustice
of many that the Catholic Irish nation placed between the hammer and the
anvil, was denied every privelige, yes even the study of its own language;
not only public but also (on woe!) the general private use; so that the
so very ancient records of the fatherland, Lives of the Saints, Religion,
Church traditions, and the memory of a long time lie buried deep and are
indeed delivered to oblivion. And this results today in the fact that
the untaught among the people hear a language they do not know. they make
mistakes each day and are seduced into almost numberless errors. For that
reason I (though but a layman in these matters,m yet driven by an imperative
zeal) wishing to set my face against so great a curse, have fully composed
this little book, both for the educated and the uneducated, English, Scottish,
Irish and all others, for the teaching, reading, writing, pronouncing
and preserving of the aforesaid language (p.[iii]ff.) [302]
Thomas Dempster sought to attach Irish
saints and scholars to Scotland rather than their native Ireland. Hugh
Mac Caghwell published commentaries on Duns Scotus, while Luke Wadding
with Mac Caghwell supervised the edition of Duns complete works,
12 vols (Lyons 1629), having earlier in 1624 published Dun Scotuss
defence of Immaculate Conception. Wadding also issued the Franciscan history,
Annales Minorum, in the 8 vols (1625-34). [304]
Henry Fitzsimon, list of Irish saints,
Catalogus aliquorum (or praecipuorum) sanctorum Hiberniae (Duoai 1615;
Liege 1619; Antwerp 1621); appeared also in OSullivan Beares
Compendium (1621) and in Kilkenny born David Roths sive antiquioris
Scotiaw vindiciae adversus immodestam parechasim Thomae Dempsteri, moderni
Scoti, nuper editam (also 1621).
Also Roth, Analecta sacra, 3 vols,
the 3rd known as De processu martyriali, (1616-91), denouncing Reformation
politics of Elizabeth and James I; Brigida Thaumaturga (1620) and Hibernia
resurgens, sive refrigerium morsum serpentis antiqui (1621), both more
specifically against Dempster; also Hierographia sacrae insulae Hiberniae
lineamenta adumbrata, containing a decertatio apologetica adversus
Conaeum,Camerarium, Demsterum.
Roth also collaborated with Thomas
Messingham, an old-English defender of Irish culture, and moderator of
Irish College at Paris. Messinghams important Florilegium insulae
sanctorum, seu vitae et acta sanctorum Hiberniae, contains hagiographical
sketches by various hands incl. Rothe;s De nominibus Hiberniae tractatus,
which was used by Bishop Ussher and others.
Ussher called Dempster in Greek a
thief of saints.
Messingham, Mac Ainghil, and Hugh
Ward (a Mac an Bhaird and prof. of philosophy at the Irish College, Louvain)
conceived the project which subsequently bore fruit as the Annals of the
Four Masters, under the Ó Clerighs.
Patrick Fleming,author of Collectanea
sacra (posthum. 1677), being materials concerning St. Columba, was murdered
1631 shortly after appt. as principal of Prague Franciscan college.
Hugh Ward (one of the Mac an Bhairds)
professor of philosophy at Louvain, wrote a life of St. Romuald, edited
and posthumously printed by Thomas OSheerin in 1662: ex scriptoribus
antiquis et novis, ac publicis instrumentis demonstratur Hibernia ad saeculum
quindecimum Christianum vocatum Scotia, et Hiberni Scoti[it
is demonstrated from ancient and modern writings that Ireland was called
Scotia and the Irish Scoti until the fifteenth century]. Sheerin
died in 1673. [306]
Micheal Ó Clerighs Bollandist
influence; viz, Jean Bolland and Herbert Rosweyde, Flemish jesuits, and
their centuries long project of collecting saints lives. [307]
The Annals were not printed till the
mid nineteenth century. The volumes actually published were the second
and third of the intended six; edited by John Colgan under the title of
Triadas thaumaturgae acta (1647) and Acta sanctorum Hiberniae (1645).
The former dealt with Patrick, Brigid, and Columba, the latter with other
saints in the first three months of the calendar; both works subtitles
spell out Irelands claim to the appellation of veteris et
majoris Scotiae and Santorum insulae.
Old English
recusancy is absorbed and swamped out by this general indentification
between Gaelic culture and Irish sanctity. The most important source is
Lughaidh Ó Clerighs Beatha Aodha Ruaidh Uí Dhomhnaill.
The facts themselves in all their overwhelming multitude stand
as Gaelic Irelands claim to a long and continuous historical tradition.
The Annals were evidently conceived as a monument to Gaeldom as
a whole, transcending the bardic Eberian-Eremonian divide [of the 20-yr
early Contention of the bards involving the Mac Bruaidheadha and Mac Aedhagáin
families respectively] which in any case had become an anachronism in
the 17th c. context. [308-09]
Ftn 272: the English title of Annála
Rioghachta Eireann (Annals of the Kingdom of Ireland) a misnomer.
John Colgan coined the term, but names Micheal Ó Clerigh, Cucoigrighe
Ó Clerigh, Cucoigriche Ó Duibhgeannáin, and Ferfeasa
Ó Maolchonaire, as well as a fifth Conaire Ó Clerigh. John
ODonovan ousted Ó Duibheannain and includes Conaire Ó
Clerigh; one Muiris Ó Maolchonaire was for a while a sixt. ODonovan
explains that Colgan was probably reflecting the classical reference to
the four masters (Quattuor Magistri) of medical science, which Brendan
Jennings, OFM suggests in 1936 that a commentary on the rule of St Francis
with its title the Expositio quattro magistrorum was a factor.
Together with its dedication to an
English-recognised Protestant subordinate chieftain Fearghal Ó
Gadhra, the dedication of 1636 is dated an taonmadh bliadhain decc
do righe an Righ Carolus os Saxain, Frainc, & os Eirinn. The
phrase, do chum gloire Dé & onóra ha hEireann,
widely used as a nationalist motto, and attached as the epigram to numerous
Irish-Ireland books including editions of the Annals, occurs in parenthesis
only as a decorative sentiment in the context of this dedication. Leerssen
remarks: nationalistically oriented scholars took the above-quoted
parenthetical phrase out of its context and willed it to apply, not to
the motive behind Ó Gadhras munifence but ot Ó Clerighs
own motivation in undertaking such historical labours; it could accordingly
(and quite spuriously) become a kind of motto for nationalistically-motivated
research into Irelands past, thus retrospectively attributing such
attitudes to those 17th c. scholars. In a footnote, he reminds us that
the phrase was finally the legend of a postage stamp issued in 1943. [310]
Extract from Annals, dedicatory preface,
Vol 1, lv-lvi: It is a thing general and plain throughout the whole
world, in every place where nobility or honour has prevailed in each successive
period, that nothing is more glorious, more respectable, more honourable
(for many reasons) than to bring to light the knowledge of antiquity ancient
authors, and a knowledge of the chieftains and nobles that existed in
preceding times, in order that each successive generation might possess
knowledge and information as to how their ancestors spent their time and
life, how long they were successively in the lordship of their countriews,
in dignity and in honour, and what sort of death they met
I have calculated on your honour that it seemed to you a cause of pity
and regret, grief and sorrow (for the glory of God and the honour of Ireland),
how much the race of Gaedhal the son of Niul have gone under a cloud and
darkness without a knowledge of the death or obit of saint or virgin,
archbishop, bishop, abbot, or other noble dignitary of the Church, of
king or prince, lord or chiefain (and) of the synchronism or connexion
of one with the other. [Do brhaitheas ar char gur bhahbar
truaighe, & nemhele, doghailsi, & dobroin libh, (do chum gloire
dé & onora na hereann) a mbed do dheachattar sliocht Gaoidhil
meic Niuil fo chiaigh & dorchadas, gan fios ecca na oidheasdha Maoimh,
na nabbaoimhe Ardepiscoip, Epscoip, na abbad, na uasal graidh eccailsi
oile, Righ, na Ruirigh, tighearna na toisicch, comhairsir na coimhsineadh
neich dibhsidhe fri aroile.]
Peter Lombard, archbishop of Armagh,
resided in Rome, De regno Hiberniae sanctorum insulae commentarius (printed
1632), in which he corrects the English image of the Irish by allowing
them to be uncultivated and lazy and musical, but insisting that they
are tenacissimi orthodoxae fidei.
Philip OSullevan Beare, ed.
Spain, and prevented from returning by the defeat at Kinsale; Spanish
navy officer; controversial books, incl. Tenebriomastix (now lost), an
attack on Dempster; Zoilomastix, attacks Dempster, Camerarius, and Stanyhurst.
His Decas Patritiana (1629) a in 10 books on St. Patrick, with an appendix
attacking Bishop Ussher strongly ad hominem under the name as Archicornigeromastix.
His Historiae Catholicae Iberniae compendium (1622). Argues strategic
importance of Ireland in the fight against heresy: Iberniam esse
arcem & propugnaculum, unde Haeretici posent debellari, & alia
regna conservari. The work includes sections praising the civilised
Irish character of men of ingenious and liberal dispositin, who
take honour in the scholarly and military side of their earthly life,
who abhor servitude and mechanical labour, who are complaisant, benign,
and hospitable to each other, and even more so to strangers, and most
friendly
prodigious physical and intellectual vigour
patient
of heat, thirst, cold, unvanquished in adversity [in all the exigencies
of which they display] a proud and unbroken mien [and unfailing] good
cheer.
Leerssen indicates that OSullevan
Beare establishes the exclusive reliance on Gaelic pedigree as the criterion
of trustworthiness in the struggle against the English crown. The class
whome he calls Iberni Ibernici as distinct from the Iberni Anglici or
novi Iberni or Anglo-Ibernes. OSullevan Beares book concentrated
on the lineage of the Gaels as stemming from Míl, the eponym of
the Milesians (Míl Espaine). [314-15]
Leerssen quotes remarks by PJ Corish
(The origins of Catholic nationalism, in A History of Irish
Catholicism, vol. 3, chp. 8, (Gill 1968) adding a definition of legend
to Curtiss remark that Milesian or Old English, Danish or
Norman, [all Catholics] accepted the Irish legend as against the English
legend.: meaning by legend the interpretation placed by the
community on its history, its reaction to and rationalising of past events.
[315]
Keating, Hiberno-Norman corruption
of Mac Etienne, French name with Gaelic patronymic. Foras feasa ar Eirinn,
the linguistic and stylistic lodestar of modern Irish prose.
Authors enumerated as false historians
by Keating include Cambrensis, Spenser, Stanyhurst, Camden, Moryson, Davies,
Campion, agus gach Nua-Ghall eile dá scríobhann
uirre [i.e. Ireland] ó shoin amach, who like a beetle
on a bright day are only interested in finding dung (vol 1, 4). [317]
Leerssens extract from Forus
feasa ar Eirinn: they have displayed no inclination to treat of
the virtues or good qualities of the nobles among the old foreigners and
the native Irish who then dwelt in Ireland; such as to write on their
valour and their piety, or the number of the abbeys they had founded
on the priveliges they had granted to the learned professions of Ireland,
and all the reverence they manifested towards churchmen and prelates.
(vol 1., 4f.)
..
It is not for hatred nor for love
of any set of people beyond another, nor at the instigation of anyone,
nor with the expectation of obtaining profit from it, that I set forth
to write the history of Ireland, but because I deemed it was fitting that
a country so honourable as Irelad, and races so noble as those who have
inhabited it, should go into oblivion without mention or narrtion being
left of them: and I think that my estimate in the account I give concerning
the Irish ought therather to be accepted, because it is of the Gael I
chiefly treat. Whoever thinks it much I say for them, it is not to be
considered that I should deliver judgement through favour, giving them
much praise beyond what they have deserved, being myself of the old Gall
as regards my origin
the race is dispraised by every
new foreign historian
the extent of the pity I felt at the manifest
injustice which is done to them by those writers
I know not why
they should not be put in comparison with any nation in Europe in
valour, learning, and in being steadfast to the Catholic faith. Forus
feasa ar Eirinn/the History of Ireland, ed. and trans. D Comyn & PS
Dinneen (ITS Lon. 1902-04). [317-18]
In Keating, the native Irish race
is called Gaedhil, Sean-Ghaedhil, or Fior-Gaedhil (true Gaels), as distinct
from Sea-Ghoill and Nua-Ghoill, while the Old Irish and the Old English
together are called Eireannaigh, replacing a racial appellation with geographical
one. [318]
John Lynch, Archdeacon of Tuam, lived
in St. Malo from fall of Galway in 1652 to his death in 1674, and trans.
Keating into Latin; published Alithinologia and Supplementum Alithinologiae,
post-Confederation works conciliatory towards Old English Catholics, and
sharp against Cambrensis. His attach on Cambrensis was published in 1662
as Cambrensis Eversus, seu potius historica fides, in rebus Hibernicis,
Giraldo Cambrensi abrogata [320], defends the Irish against charges of
barbarism, and defends the Irish language apolitically: for did
the Welsh ever refuse to show obedience to the monarch of England by reason
of the fact that they are steeped in the Welsh language?
Bretons
& Basques
Yet if the Irish have maintained their current and
widespread ancestral speech, will they as an immediate result be said
to hatch dangerous plots against their supreme prince? I see no reason
why the languages abolition is insisted on so vehemently. (p.16)
[320-21]. His students were Duald Mac Firbis and Roderick OFlaherty.
Stephen White, an English Jesuit,
wrote an unpublished Apologia por Hibernia adversus Cambrensis calumnias
(1615); also De santctis et anitquite Hiberniae, unpublished MS containing
manuscript material gathered at INgolstadt, Kassel and Schaffenhausen,
whichhe supplied to Hugh Ward and company. He accuses Cambrensis of lies
and heretical tendencies in his ad hominum attack. [32]
Peter Walsh, Prospect of the state
of Ireland (Lon. 1682). An Irish Franciscan, he endorsed the Ormondite
cause and was repudiated by clerical and Gaelic Irish who were Rinuccinian
and came close to hounding the hapless friar into Protestantism
(Leerssen) [321] His conciliatory line is expressed in his praising the
English as the conquerors of the Old Irish as they really were, rather
than the degenerate race described by the Cambrian [Cambrensis] and others.
[322]
Lynchs mentor was Duald Mac
Firbis, who worked for Sir James Ware. Roderick OFlaherty was a
fellow pupil, chieftain of his clan and bardic scholar, plunged into destitution,
and was the first Gaelic scholar to have a work published in London, presumably
sponsored by one of the Molyneux brothers who had entered into correspondence
with him. Ogygia (1685) [321]
Ogygia, bardic myto-antiquarianism;
writes against Borlase, as earlier in his manuscript Observations on Dr
Borlases reduction of Ireland (1682) and Sir John Temple; invests
high hopes in James Stuart, Charles Catholic brother, in a dedication:
in Latin, Ireland, the most ancient cradle of your forefathers,
Ó most victorious duke, in the publication of her Antiquities implores
most humbly your Graces patronage
with ashes strewn on her
head, her loins girdled with a hair-shirt, her loosened hair hanging down
her face, and with tears in her eyes: and in her outstretched hands she
proffers a book in which are written lamentations, mourning, and woe (Ezek.
2:10).
OFlaherty was again reduced
to dire poverty under the Penal Laws, but was noticed a last time by Thomas
Molyneux, who wrote of his miserable condition as seen 3
hours west of Gallway in Hiar or West-Connaught, stripped of his
Irish manuscrips, with nothing but some few of his own writing
and a few old rummish books of history printed. (A Journey
to Connaught, April 1709, ed. A Smith, Miscellany of the Irish Arch. Society
1 (1846), 161-178).
Chp. 6: Gael and Anglo-Irish
.. How these Protestants, perennially
in apprehension of native resentment and disaffection, in constant memory
of the rebellionof 1641, could go beyond socio-economic and religious
divisions, and take a positive interest in Irish antiquity as it it were
there own ... [326]
Leerssen forcibly quarrels with the
attitudes that depend on the polarisation of Protestant and Gaelic in
religion and languageattitudes which have wasted energy in debating
whether OGadhra converted to Protestantism while studying at TCD,
or whether Ussher converted to Catholicism in the end, instead of examining
how figures like Maoilín Og Mac Bruaideadha, Christopher Nugent,
or Fearghal Ó Gadhra could make some osmosis or intercourse between
the two groups. [327] Cf:
Gaelic tradition [in] a symbiosis of
sorts with Ascendancy antiquarianism [332]
Thomas Strange wrote in March 1696
to Luke Wadding from the Franciscan house in Dublin where Michael Clery
spent time copying, reporting that Ussher had offered to help the Gaelic
antiquarians to the extent of lending his library; and there is evidence
that such bi-partisan contacts continued even after the 1641 Rebellion.
See RB Knox, James Ussher, Archbishop of Armagh (Cardiff UP 1967). Further,
Ussher contributed to the Annals by lending the Book of Lecan to Connell
Mageoghegan who provided it, or a copy, to Micheal Ó Cleirigh.
[328]
Ftns 293, 298: the wholesale condemnation
of Ussher derives a misinterpretation by CR Elrington of an ambiguous
phrase in one of his letters to Bedell, corrected by William OSullivan
in Irish Hist. Stud. 16, 12 (Sept 1968), 215-19. In a letter of 30 July
1628, Bedell asked Ussher to procure Nehemiah ODonnellans
translation of the Psalms into Irish; Bedells translator Murtagh
King was probably protected by Ussher on his instance.
Constantia Maxwell: Robert Ussher
[a nephew of the prelate] is chiefly noted as having strengthened the
national element in the College by promoting the study of Irish. [329]
Mageoghegan translated the Annals
of Clonmacnoise into English in 1627. The originals have disappeared.
The first English trans. of bardic history, it was intended for Toirdhealbhach
Mac Coghlain, a kinsman, with the barbed comment about those who through
neglect their Bookes, and choose rather to put their children to
learne eng: than their own native tongue. See Mageoghegan, The Annals
of Clonmacnoise, ed. D Murphy (Dublin 1896).
Bedell; small catechism with scriptural
passages and prayers in Irish, 1631; trans. Old Testament with cooperation
of Murtagh King and James Nangle. A Catholic priest exclaimed at his graveside,
Sit anima mea cum Bedello! James Ware was his protégé.
Narcissus Marsh, TCD Provost 1679;
saw Bedells Old Testament (1685) through the press together with
a republication of Daniels New Testament (1681), supported by Robert
Boyle who had a new font cut.
John Richardson, b. Armagh, ed. TCD,
chaplain to Duke of Ormond, publ. Book of Common Prayer in Irish, 1712,
and Irish sermons in 1711. Also, Proposals for the conversion of the Popish
natives of Ireland (1711) and Short history of the attempts that have
been made to convert the popish natives of Ireland (1712; rep. 1714):
Preaching the Irish language is not an Encouragement to the Irish
interests
For the Irish Papists, who can speak English, ever were,
and still are as great enemies to the English interest, as the Irish Papists
who cannot speak English.
the Irish language, as such, hath nothing
of Impiety, Heresie, or Immorality in it; and no Man, I presume, will
be condemned at the Last Day for speaking Irish.]
John Toland, a native speaker of Irish,
from N. Donegal, studied Glasgow, Edinburgh, and Leyden; visited Oxford
1694-5 while preparing Christianity Not Mysterious (1696), a precursor
of English Deism; given to loudly proclaiming controversial views in coffee
houses; claimed in a letter to Molesworth of 1718 that he had suggested
first to Edward Lhuydwho was keeper of the Ashmolean in 1694that Irish and Welsh were akin, in contrast with the accepted Scythian
theory of Irish origin. Lhuyds correspondence mentions that one
Mr. Tholonne is lately come hither
with a design to write and Irish
dictionary & a dissertation to prove Irish a colony of Gauls
(letter of 9 Jan 1694 [335]. An opponent of revealed religion, he toyed
with the idea of a hermetic Socratic Society: see Paul Hazard,
La crise de la conscience européene 1680-1715, 3 vols (Paris 1935)
[364]. Toland attacked the declaratory act of 1720, not with any national
, Irish arguments (for Tolland repeatedly expressed a unionist attitude
like that of Sir Richard Cox) but with the libertarian argument that this
act would give the House of Lords a dangerous supremacy over the Commons.
See Toland, Reasons offerd to the honourable house of commons why
the bill sent to them shoud not pass into law (Lon 1720). [365]
Toland, strenuous anti-Catholic, but
no less interested in Gaelic history. He outlined a plan for a history
of Gaelic antiquity in a series of letters to Molesworth, published posthumously
in 1726. Toland speaks with all the combined authority of a Protestant
and a native son, and vindicates the Gaelic past, even from a Protestant
point of view, against writers misguided by the Gaels more recent shabbiness.
A collection of several pieces now first published, 2 vols (London 1720).
[ftn.387 483].
Lhuyds main achievement the
recognition of linguistic connection between the Gaelic and Brythonic
languages. Possibly introduced to Roderic OFlaherty by Molyneux,
and collected also from Duald Mac Firbis: I have in divers parts
of the kingdom picked up about 20 or 30 Irish manuscripts on parchment;
but the ignorance of their criticks is such, that tho I consulted
the chiefest of them, as OFlaherty (author of Ogygia) and sveral
others, they could scarce interpret one page of all my manuscripts; and
this is occasioned by want of a Dictionary
(letter of 25
Aug 1700). Among other linguistic essays, Archaeologia contains a Gaelic
dictionary and grammar, the first printed since those of OClerigh
and OMolloy respectively. [337] OFlaherty wrote an ode to
Lhuyd: Arbiter hinc veterem renovandi Camber honorem arripit.
The ode is printed in Lhuyds Archaeologica Britannica, giving some
account additional to what has hitherto been publishd, of the languages,
histories and customs of the original inhabitants of Great Britain (Oxford
1707), and subtitled Glossography. [336ff]
Leerssen quotes with emphasis Sir
John Rhyss estimate that had Gaelic philology followed the path
of Lhuyd rather than the fantastical speculations and emtymological
solecisms [Leerssens phrases, 339] of Vallancey and Co., the
meteoric appearance of Zeuss and Zimmer would have been impossible and
unnecessary. [337]
Richard MacElligott, ed. Transactions
of the Gaelic Society of Dublin, (1808).
Among many documents canvassing for
a Union, in order to support the claimor at least the holdof the Protestant minority on the majority of acres in Irelandwere Swifts Story of An Injured Lady, Henry Maxwells
Essay towards a union of Ireland with England of 1703, and earlier Sir
William Pettys remarks in his Political anatomy of Ireland (1672),
on The Inconvenience of Not-Union. Petty argued, It
is absurd that Englishmen born, sent over into Ireland by commission of
their own King, and there sacrificing their lives for the Kings
interest, and succeeding in his service, should therefore be accounted
alines, foreigners, and also enemies, such as were the Irish before Henry
the Sevenths time
It is absurd that the inhabitants of Ireland,
naturally and necessarily bound to obey their Sovereign, should not be
permitted to know who, or what the same is, i.e., whether the parliament
of England or that of Ireland; and in what case the one, and in what the
other. Which uncertainty is or may be made a pretence for any disobedience.
[340-41]
William Molyneux, The case of Irelands
being bound by acts of parliament in England (1698), arising from the
trade restrictions and especially the wool bill being discussed in the
House of Commons. Molyneux was also translated Descartes Meditations
into English and was a correspondent of John Locke. His argument regard
the rights of the Irish parliament turns on the difference between planters
and Gaels: supposing Henry II had Right to invade this Island, and
that he had been opposd therein by the Inhabitants, it was only
the Ancient Race of the Irish, that could suffer by their Subjugation;
the English and Britains, that came over and Conquerd with him,
retaind all the Freedoms and Immunities of Free-born Subjects. (p.19-20).
The dedication asserts: Your Majesty has not in all Your Dominions
a People more United and Steady in your Interest than the Protestants
of Ireland. But those Old English who had established parliamentary
practice had generally remained Catholic and Stuart supporters. [342]
The Case of Ireland elicited criticism in English responses such as Case
of Ireland, An Answer to Mr Molyneux, where the inference was ironically
made that if Molyneux was right the Irish parliemnet should be filled
with Old English. [343]
In explaining how the Anglo-Irish
Ascendancy became enlisted to Gaelic antiquarianism , Leerssen argues
as follows: in the assertion of [separate] interests
the
anglo-Irish drew on a pre-Reformation tradition of jurisprudence or political
practicei.e. a tradition that ante-dated their own presence
placing themselves in the position of heirs to a tradition
sua
natura anti-English
leading to a growing identification with Gaelic
Ireland. Leerssen further remarks that Molyneuxs book can be counted
as one of the first instances of the effect of Enlightenment thought on
British politics, since it addresses questions of the reciprocal rights
and duties of citizen and government. [344] The celebrated core of Molyneuxs
declamatory view is this: that ireland should be bound by Acts of
Parliament made in England, is against Reason, and the Common Rights of
all Mankind. All men are by Nature in a State of Equality, in Respect
of Jurisdiction or Dominion: this I take to be a Principle in it self
so evident, that it stands in need of little Proof.
[a maxim] so
inherent to all Mankind, and founded on such Immutable laws of Nature
and Reason, that tis not be be Aliend or Given Up, by any
Body of Men whatsoever. The source is his friend Lockes [anonymous]
Treatise on Government, and a number of Molyneuxs arguments echo
that text almost verbatim. [345]
Patrick Darcys An Argument delivered
(1643; 2nd ed. Dulin 1764), written in support of the pro-Ormond faction
in the Confederation, anticipates Molyneuxs Case.
Sir Richard Cox, Some thoughts on
the bill for prohibiting the exportation of woollen manufactures (Dublin
1698).
Leerssens account of patriotism,
not the equivalent of nationalism but a form of political
philanthropy: [346] Berkeley: A patriot is one who heartily
wisheth the public prosperity, and doth not only wish, but also study
and endeavour to promote it. (Maxims concerning patirotism, 1750;
in Berkeleys Works 1904, 4, 562.) The patriot idea in England was
expounded in Bolingbrokes On the spirit of patriotism and The idea
of a patriot king (1749; written 1736-38), where patriotism meets the
liberalism of the Commonwealth-men.
Swifts Proposal for the universal
use of Irish manufacture (1720): utterly rejecting and renouncing
everything wearable that comes from England
burn every Thing that
came from England, except their People and their Coals. (Works,
vol 10,17). Ftn. 339: Swift offered this as a report of a pleasant
observation of some Bodys quoted to him by the deceased archbishop
of Tuam; the commentary was rephrased between 1720 and 1725 editions of
the pamphlet; the publisher was in fact prosecuted, and the judge, Whitshed,
asserted that the authors design was to bring in the Pretender.
(vol 10, 137)
Sir William Temple, An Essay
on the Advancement of trade in Ireland, in The Works of Sir William
Temple, 4 vols (Lon 1770), vol. 3, speaks of the necessity to introduce,
as far as can be, a vein of parsimony throughout the country, in all things
that are not perfectly the native growths and manufactures. This
in a letter to the lord lieutenant Essex. Later in the same letter he
presciently warns that among Irish industries however the woollen industry
seems not fit to be encouraged. [349]
Swift: I do profess without
affection, that your kind opinion of me as a patriot (since you call it
so) is what I do not deserve; because what I do is owing to perfect rage
and resentment, and the mortifying sight of slavery, folly, and baseness
about me, among which I am forced to live. Swift to Pope, 1 June
1728; Correspondence, ed. H. Williams, 1963-5, 3, 289. [349]
Samuel Madden tried to inculcate patriotic
principles in the form of good resolutions, in Reflections
and Resolutions. His cramped attitude towards a hopefully indulgent Westminster
parliament takes the form of an uncomfortable reflexive when Ireland resolves
to hope that England will remember her. [350] His Letter to the
Dublin Society of 1739 mentioned proudly on its title-page that it had
been printed on Irish paper.
Walter Harris, anonymously published
Remarks on the affairs and trade of England and Ireland (1691), denoucning
importation of French wine and Flemish linen. [350]
Arthur Dobbs, An essay on the trade
and improvement of Ireland, 2 vols (Dublin 1729-31). Instead of
being Splenetick or grumbling at any Restrictions put upon us by our Ancestors,
let us endeavour to promote the enjoyment of what we have with pleasure
and satisfaction; that we may all in our several spheres chearfully contribute
to support the Power, Wealthm Fame and Commerce of the British Empire,
of which Ireland is no inconsiderable member (vol 2, 16). Drafted
a bill of the improvement of agriculture in 1732. [350]
Molesworth, Considerations for the
promoting of agriculture (1723), as a resulting of which Swift inscribed
a Drapiers letter to him. [351]
Thomas Prior, with Dobbs and Madden,
founded the Dublin Society for the promotion of husbandry, manufacture,
science and the useful arts, in 1731 (later the RDS). He vigorously promoted
Berkeleys universal panacea in Authentick narrative of the use of
tar-water (1746). [351]
Berkeleys Querist, three parts,
1735, 36, and 37, edited by Madden and Prior; rev. ed., 1750;
and also in Berkeleys posthumous miscellanea, 1752; includes 895
rhetorical questions (but 595 in 1750 ed.) in a fugatic treatment
[Leerssens phrase, 352] touching on a number of basic problems of
the Irish economy. Whether there be upon earth any Christian or
civilized people so beggarly, wretched, and destitute as the native Irish?;
Whether, nevertheless, there is any other people whose wnats may
be more easily supplied from home? (Q 132, 133); Whether our
hankering after our own woollen trade be not the true and only reason
which hath created a jealousy in England towards Ireland? And whether
anything can hurt us more than such jealousy? (Q 89; Whether
our old native Irish are not the most indolent and supine eople in Christendom:
their habitations and furniture more sordid than those of the savage
Americans? (Q 357-8); Whether a scheme for the welfare of
this nation should not take in the whole inhabitants? And whether it be
not a vain attempt to project the flourishing of our Protestant gentry,
exclusive of the bulk of our natives? (Q 255); the most pressing
wants of the majority.. the dirt and famine and nakedness of the bulk
of our people (Q 106). Berkeley identifies not property but the
circulation of property as the measure of wealth, anticipating Adam Smith.
[351-54] The post-1745 eds. of The querist replaced Papists
with Roman Catholics.
Swift: .. a bare face of nature,
without houses or plantations; filthy cabins, miserable, tattered, half-starved
creatures, scarce in human shape; one insolent ignorant oppressive squire
to be found in twenty miles riding; a parish church to be found only in
a summers day journey, in comparison of which, an English farmers
barn is a cathedral; a bog of fifteen miles round; every meadow a slough,
and every hill a mixture of rock, heath, and marsh; and every male and
female, from the farmer, inclusive to the day-labourer, infallibly a thief,
and consequently a beggar, which in this island are terms convertible
there is not an acre of land in Ireland turned to half its advantage;
yet it is better improved than the people: and all these evils are the
effecs of English tyranny: so your sons and grandchildren will find it
to their sorrow. (Swift to Brandreth, 30 June 1732.) [355]
Ftn. 352: Arthur Dobbs, Essay on the
trade and improvement of Ireland (1729-31), on the Irish peasant: when
they have sown their Corn, planted their Potatoes and cut their Turf for
Firing, do either hire out their Cows or send them to the Mountains, then
shut up their Doors and go begging the whole Summer until Harvest, with
their Wives and Chidlren in the most tatterd and moving Condition
they can appear in
(vol 2, 47).
ABSENTEEISM: Sir Walter Harris could
praise English residence of Anglo-Irish landlords as a reinforcement to
unity in the 1690s. Drain on national income
middlemen
rackrents.
Absenteeism a dirty word with Berkeley, Q 104. Attacked by
Thomas Prior in List of absentees of Ireland and an estimate of the yearly
value of their estates and incomes spent abroad (1st ed. 1729, rep. during
the century). A similar list appeared in Anthologia Hibernica, vol 1.
213-220. Taxation was frequently proposed. [355]
Archbishop King of Dublin, a radical
not preferred to Armagh, attacked the English interest in the Church of
Ireland. [356]
Leerssens remarks on Swift condensed
at p.357: Although Seift was too misanthropic a humanist, too staunch
a believer in the old values of Anglican rationalism, to feel comfortable
with the idealistic, progressive connotations in the appellation Patriot,
he did share a number of grievances with the Anglo-Irish patriots.
Swift: That all persons born
in Ireland are called and treated as Irishmen, although their fathers
and grandfathers were born in England; and their predecessors having been
conquerors of Ireland, it is humbly concieved they ought to be on as good
a foot as any subjects of Britain, according to the practice of all other
nations, and particularily of the Greeks and Romans (letter to Peterborough,
28 Apr 1727).
Swift, in the Drapiers Letters:
Were not the People of Ireland born as free as those of England?
How have they forfeited their Freedom? Is not the Parliament as fair a
Representative of the People, as that of England? And hath not their privy
Council as great, or a greater Share in the Administration of public Affairs?
Are they not Subject to the same King? Does not the same Sun shine over
them? And have they not the same God as their Protector? Am I a free-man
in England, and do I become a Slave in six Hours by crossing the Channel?
(Works [op. cit], vol. 10, 31.).
.. but the Love and Torrent of Power
prevailed. Indeed, the Arguments on both sides were invincible. For in
Reason, all Government without the Consent of the Governed, is the very
Definition of Slavery: But in Fact, Eleven Men well armed, will certainly
subdue one single Man in his Shirt. (Works, vol. 10, 62-3.)
Swift one of the first to stop regarding
Catholics with suspicion, in his Queries relating to the sacremental test
(1732): For Popery, under the Circumstances it lies in this Kingodm;
although it be offensive, and inconvenient enough, from the Consequences
it hath to encrease the Rapine, Sloth and Ignorance, as well as Poverty
of the Natives; it is not properly dangerous in that Sense, as sone would
have us take it
The landed Popish interest in England far exceeds
that among us,
the little that remains here is daily dropping into
Protestant hands, by Purchase or Descent
The Papists are wholly
disarmed. They have neither Courage, Leaders, Money, or Inclination to
rebel (vol. 12, 258-9).
John Keogh, Vindiction of the antiquities
of Ireland (1748): The very Roman Catholics of Ireland have proved
themselves to be loyal subjects to the present Government; for there has
been no rebellion or insurrection here since the late wars of Ireland,
though since then three in Scotland.
Berkeleys Letter to the Roman
Catholics of the diocese of Cloyne (1745), an epitome of Ascendancy apprehensiveness.
..that you have been treated with truly Christian lenity under the
present government; that you persons have been protected, and your properties
securded by equal laws: and that you it would be highly imprudent as well
as ungrateful to forfeit these advantages by making yourself the tools
to the ambitions of foreign princes
[who] will not fail to abandon
you, as they have
always done. (Works, 1901, vol.
4. 433). [361]
Berkeley, A Word to the wise (1749),
a conciliatory open letter to Catholic clergy. Why, then, sound
we not conspire in one and the same designto promote the common
good of your country. [362]
Henry Brooke: .. Papists of
this Kingodm, are particularly placid and peacable, at this Season: But
reflect whether we ought not to dread the heavier Storm, from so very
still and sullen a Calm.
those Men, by whom our Maidens were polluted,
by whom our Matrons were left childless
[etc], from Farmers
Letters, Letter 2. With reference to his earlier Farmers Letters:
I most solemnly assure you that when I wrote those letters I was
in perfect love and charity with every Roman Catholic in the kingdom of
Ireland. I knew that they were a depressed people. I had long pitied them
as such. I was sensible that the laws, under which they suffered, had
been enacted by our ancestors, when the impressions of hostility were
still fresh and warm, and when passion, if I may venture to say so, co-operated,
in some measure, with utility and reason. (in Brookiana, 1804.) He later
explained that he was never anti-Catholic, but merely fearful that
persecution had made Catholics disloyal. Quoted from a 1760 reprint
of the Farmers Letters, in Francis G. James, Ireland in the empire
1688-1770: A history of Ireland from the Wiliamite wars to the eve of
the American revolution (Harvard, 1973). [364] In 1760 he was employed
by the Catholic Committee, whose members incl. Charles OConor, John
Curry, and Thomas Wyse, producing The tryal of the Roman Catholics which
attempted to deflate the myth of 1641 and demonstrate the trustworthiness
of the Catholics in the new era. [364]
And NOTE, infra: Brookes History
of Ireland, from the earliest times [&c], for which a prospectus appeared
in 1744 [.. wherein are set forth the ancient and extraordinary
customs, manners, religion, politics, conquests, and revolutions, of that
once hospitable, polite, and martial nation; interspersed with traditionary
digressions, and the private and affecting histories of the most celebrated
of the natives, and also a preface dedicatory to the most
noble and ilustrious the several descendents of the Milesian line]
shows his intentions of treating of all Irish record patriotically in
a composite tale of honour. Earlier, he had indeed attempted to learn
Irish on receipt of a flattering bardic poem. This project was spoiled
when Robert Digby, planning a volume of Ogygian tales for which he published
a prospectus in 1744, gained manuscript material from Charles OConnor
which were then embezzled by his cousin, Henry Brooke for his own History.
[377]. Leerssen later refers facetiously to this co-operation
between Digby and OConor as a sign of the growing adhesion of the
Anglo-Irish to the idea of the Gaelic past as their own national past.
[382]
And see ftn. 389, which notes that
Gilbert (Hist. of Dublin, 1854) records the reason for the title of Digbys
work in the rapid sale of several works, published with the title
of Tales, as the Arabian, Persian, and Peruvian &c .. [483]
Sir Thomas Molyneux [br. of William],
Some considerations on the taxes paid by Ireland to support the government
(1727), unpublished tract.
Leerssen: The basis for this cultural
osmosis of Gaelic culture into the Anglo-Irish classes, was, in the main,
laid in the 18th c.preceded only by the isolated instances of
Ussher and Ware [-], announced by the unusual case of OFlaherty,
and made viable by the work of Lhuyd. [366]
Sir Richard Cox, fled Ireland in the
Civil War; later, as Lord Chancellor, one of the prime movers behind the
penal laws; An essay for the conversion of the irish, showing that tis
their duty to become Protestants (1698); also Hibernia Anglicana: or,
the history of Ireland from the conquest thereof by the English to this
present time (1698-90), is wholly anti-Catholic and castigates Keating,
Walsh, OFlaherty, OSullevan Beare. Unlike him, Borlase is
even unaware of the existence of those writers.
Hugh MacCurtain, A brief discourse
in vindication of the antiquity of Ireland (1717): ..that the Antient
Irish before the coming of the English were no Way inferior to any People
or Nation in the known World for Religion, Literature, Civility, Riches,
Hospitality, Liberality, War-like Spirit, &c (p.286f.) [364]. This
was the first Gaelic history to be published in Ireland, and for it Sir
Richard Cox, as Chief Justice, had MacCurtain clapped in jail, where he
produced an Irish grammar, dedicated to John Devenish, major-general of
the Austrian army in the Netherlands. [367]. In his grammar, MacCurtain
invites the studious and other ingenious Gentlemen, lovers of Antiquity,
that by a little labour they might learn [the Irish language]
and
engage the curious to tast of the sweet streams of Oratory & poetry
in the copious language of a long time neglected (p.4f.) [367]. It
is certain, most of our Nobility and Gentry have abandond it, and
disdaind to Learn or speak the same these 200 years past
how strange it seems to the world, that any people should scorn the Language,
where the whole treasure of their own Antiquity and profound sciences
lie in obscurity, so highly esteemed by all Lovers of Knowledge in former
Ages, that swarms of foreign Students from all parts of Europe flockd
into the Nation to taste of, and learn the Arts and sciences therein contained
(p.7); The Irish Gentry have therefore Opportunities enough, still
left, for recovering and preserving their Mother-language, and, consequently,
are without the least Colour of Excuse if they shamefully continue to
neglect it. (p.[iv])
Tadhg Ó Neachtains doggerel
deibhí shows 26 Gaelic scholars gathered in the capital, incl.
MacCurtin, Walsh, Dermod OConnor. OConnor was the author of
the first English translation of Keatings Foras Feasa ar Eirinn,
published in London in 1723, dedicated to the OBrien earl of Inchiquin,
and strenuously denounced, but reprinted sumptuously a few years after.
OConnor was writing in defence of Ireland against the censure
of illiterate and unjust Men, who insolently attempt to vilify and traduce
the lineal Descendents of the great Milesians (a Martial, a Learned, and
a Generous Race) as a nation of ignorant, meanspirited, and superstitious
(p.[iii]f.).
Leerssen enlarges on the fecund contacts
between the Gaelic sub-culture and the Ascendancy, meaning
to show that a small group of Irish scholars did actually trouble to break
ranks and communicate with and to their political opposite numbers in
the colonial polarisation of the period. [370].
Hugh MacGuaran, a rumbustious poet
whose poem Pléaráca na Ruarcach was the first to gain literary
fame in English translation at none other than Swifts hand, using
a rollicking tetrameter: Orourkes noble fare will neer
be forgot,/By those who were there and those who were not.
Swift on the Irish language: It
would be a noble achievement to abolish the Irish language in this kingdom,
so far at least as to obligge all the natives to speak only English on
every occasion of business
This would, in a great measure civilize
the most barbarous of them, reconcile them to our customs, and reduce
great numbers to the national religion, whatever kind may then happen
to be established (vol 12, 89).
The Irish historical library, by bishop
William Nicholson (1724). [373]
Dr John Curry had published an anonymous,
pseudo-Protestant pamphlet expressing the need for tolerance towards victims
of the penal laws [A brief account from the most authentic Protestant
writers of the causes, motives, and mischiefs of the Irish Rebellion on
the 23 day of October 1641 (Lon 1752). Walter Harris, a lawyer from Co.
Laois, wrote a counter-blast called Fiction unmasked, or an answer to
a dialogue lately published by a popish physician (1725), all but disclosing
Currys identity. Curry rejoined in Historical memoirs of the Irish
rebellion in the year 1641, in a letter to Walter Harris, Esq. (1758),
with a prefatory Advertisement by Charles OConor calling Harris
a mercenary and injudicious compiler of historical fragments
(p.ix). [373] Other works by Curry were, Occasional remarks on certain
pasages in Dr Lelands History of Ireland relative to the Irish rebellion
of 1641 (Lon 1773), and An historical and critical review of the civil
wars in Ireland, with The state of the Irish Catholics (rep. Dublin 1793).
A copy of Currys Historical memoir was supplied to Ferdinando Warner,
the author of the Dublin Society-promoted History of Ireland, by Charles
OConor, to offset Protestant histories. Another copy was supplied
in 1763 to David Hume, then in Paris, with a view to mellowing his interpretation
of 1641 as it appeared in the early editions of his History of England
(vide infra).
Harris, married to the great-grand-daughter
of Sir James Ware, undertook his edition of Wares works under the
auspices of the Physico-Historical Society, founded by Madden and others;
appearing 1739-1746 with subscriptions by patriots including Dobbs and
Madden, as well as from Archbishop Boulton of Armagh and Sir Lawrence
Parsons, Sir Richard Cox the Younger, and the ailing Jonathan Swift. Harris
is able to draw on the writings of OFlaherty, OMolloy, MacCurtin,
and shows the influence of Lhuyd by providing Comparative Table
of some few Words
shewing the Affinity between the Irish and British
languages (Vol 2, 26ff.). He borrows the names of pre-Norman writers
and the criticisms of Cambrensis from Keating and OFlaherty, but
remains intransigently pro-Penal Laws (those wholesome Bills,
vol 3, 220). He recognised the element of literary tradition in Irish
historical lore: It should be considered, that the Compilers of
the antient History of Ireland have drawn their Accounts from the Sonnets
of the antient Bards, and had (it must be confessed injudiciously) copied
for Truth the Metaphors and Flights of those Poetic Madmen .. (vol
3, 106). In answering anti-Irish reports in historians since Strabo, he
says: When such an odious Picture is drawn of us, who, my Lord [lord
Newport, chairman of the Physico-Hist. Soc.] can refrain from a just Indignation?
But you know, my Lord, that these are groundless Aspersions
The Nobility and Gentry of this Kingdom are as Polite, well-bred, and
humane, as those of other Nations; the Merchants and Traders as just and
honest in their Dealings; and the bulk of the People not inferior to the
Populace elsewhere (p.136). He sees the Physico-Historical Society
as having been erected with a view of removing these gross Misrepresentations,
which have been handed down from early Ages concerning this Country, and
are yet continued, and endorses the patriotic plan of a general
History of Ireland shewing the ancient and modern State of it in
true and proper Colours, together wtih the several Revolutions in property,
Religion, and Government because it would tend not only to
honour, but to the real Emolument of the Kingdom (p.136) [376]
Leerssen: The Anglo-Irish now begin
to regard Irelands Gaelic past as their own. [376]
Mrs Sarah Butlers Irish tales:
or, instructive histories for the happy conduct of life (1716; rep. up
to 1734; and posthumously, Lon/Dublin 1735), the first example of Anglo-Irish
fiction, inspired by those many Transactions which made up the Lives
of two of the most potent Monarchs of the Milesian Race in that ancient
Kingdom of Ireland [p. ix]; her acknowledged sources include Keating
(in his manuscript), OFlaherty and Peter Walsh. A preface
on the Learning and Politeness of the Ancient Irish: although
they may seem [so Rude and illiterate a People], in the Circumstances
they lie under (having born the heavy yoke of Bondage for so many Years,
and have [sic] been Cowd down in their Spirits) yet that once Ireland
was esteemd one of the Principle Nations in Europe for Piety and
Learning .. (p.[x-xi]). One of her tales is a love story set to
the background of the Battle of Clontarf. [378]
William Phillips, in Hibernia
freed (1722), treated Gaelic aspirations wholly sympathetically; treats
of expulsion of Vikings by Kings OBrien of Munster and ONeill
of Leinster, the former modelled on Brian Boru; dedicated to Henry OBrien,
earl of Thomond. The preface is a sop to the English feeling: Another
Nation shall succeed/But different far in manners from the Dane/ ../And
mix their Blood with ours: one People grow,/Polish our Manners, and improve
our Minds. (p.59)
In Rotherick OConnor (Smock
Alley, 1720), Shadwells sympathies are clearly on the Norman side;
Rotherick is considered a tyrant, whole under the sway of the plays
main villain, the archbishop of Tuam; the Gaelic hero cheerfully acknowledges
the superiority of the English and that there presence can only improve
the Irish. [380] Shadwell takes care to avoid any reflection on Irelands
bravery from the fact that the Gaels are militarily inferior to the Normans
artful Engines. Leerssen shows than the imagotype involves
a supine adulation of the English, but also a valorisation of native Irish
courage sine Catholicism and rebellion. [381]
OConor [see also Lersen04]:
his history of Ireland, in the tradition of MacCurtin, printed as Dissertations
on the antient history of Ireland: wherein an account is given of the
origins, government, letters, sciences, religion, manners and customs
of the antient inhabitants. The book won Dr. Johnsons positive interest,
having been show itas he wrote to OConor in an unsolicited
letter of appreciationby the favour of Mr. Faulkner.
After his remarks encouraging researches into the history of a nation
once so illustrious, Johnson continued: What relation there
is between the Welch and the Irish languages, or between the language
of Irland and that of Biscay, deserves enquiry. Of these provincial and
unextended tongues, it seldom happens that a fair comparison can be made.
I hope you will continue this kind of learning, which has lain too long
neglected, and which, if it be suffer to remain in oblivion, &c.
[And note that FDA omits the above sentence without marking the hiatus.]
[382]
Ftn.391: Most of the biographical
information about Charles OConor gathered from OConor SJ,
1930 and 1949; Ward/Ward, 1979; de Valera 1978; and Oconors
Letters, ed. War/Ward 1980. [484]
Charles OConor, in Dissertations,
holds Irish to be a close approximation of the language of Japhet and
descendants (p.37) and to resemble Hebrew (p.50). His is optismistic:
It is certain that the untowards fortune of Ireland, for several
Ages past, hath at length relented. The first Men of the Nation have distinguished
themselves throughout Europe, by the Encouragement of every art extensive
of its Happiness and Reputation: they have expelled its evil genius, by
weeding Prejudice from Patriotism, hateful Distinctions from the common
Interest, and all Schemes of Engrossment from Liberty (p. xxxix).
AND NOTE: The Dissertations successfully
reissued in 1766 with additions attacking Macpherson, Johnsons arch-enemy.
Dr. Johnson now wrote to OConor encouraging him to take up a history
of Ireland dealing with the period before Thomas Lelands (Leland
begins his history too late: the ages which demand an exact enquiry are
those times (for such there were) when Ireland was the school of the west,
the quiet habitation of sanctity and literature. If you could give a history,
however imperfect, of the Irish nation, from its conversion to Christianity
to the invasion from England, you would amplify knowledge with new views
and new objects. Set about it, therefore, if you can: do what you can
easily do without anxious exactness. Lay the foundation and leave the
superstructure to others. (Johnson to OConor, 19 May 1777;
also in Boswell.) OConor began working on a history of his own,
which he never completed.
NOTE bibl.: Ann de Valera, Antiquarian
and historical investigations in Ireland in the eighteenth century (MA
thesis UCD 1978).
And NOTE ftn. 397: OConor published
an isolated pamphlet anonymously between 1761 and 1771 called a vindication
of Lord Taaffes civil principals, written in defence of the Observations
on affairs in Ireland from the settlement in 1691, to the present time,
published in 1766 by Viscount Taaffe, living in Austria. That work was
based on materials gathered for Taaffe by OConor (cf. OConor
to Taaffe, 14 June 1766, Letters vol. 1, 200-1. OConor then published
in 1771 his Observations on the popery laws, posing again as a Protestant.
His identity became known, to his mortification, making further anonymous
publications of this kind impossible. (Cf. Love [OConor &
Leland] 1962-3, p.9-10).
James Eyre Weeks, editor of Dublin
spy, published a childrens geography in 1752.
1641: Hume had reiterated the Protestant
propaganda and had vested it with the aura of his philosophical
non-partisan approach. [385]. David Hume, The history of England from
the invasion of Julius Caesar to the revolution of 1688, 8 vols (London
1823). The Irish parliament commemorated the rebellion each 23 Oct. with
anti-Catholic services [and] Temples history was regularly reprinted.
If one wished to ameliorate the Ascendancys image of Gaelic Irelandleading to a relaxation of the penal lawsone had to start
with 1641.
Hugh Reily, Irelands cause briefly
stated (1720), reissued as The impartial history of Ireland (1754, 1787),
and as The genuine history of Ireland. See A de Valera, op. cit., supra.
Charles OConor issued The Protestant
interest considered as to the operation of the popery laws (1757), and
The danger of popery to the present government examined (1761), both masquerading
to some extent as the writings of a liberal Protestant. Then for a decades
his pamphleteering ceased, and he turned to hacks like Brooke to write
for him. [386]
The pamphleteering approach fell into
disuse when OConor, Curry and Wyse formed the Catholic Committee
and gained the extremely cautious assistance of Catholic peers such as
Lord Trimleston, Kenmare, and Fingall. They adopted the method of the
political lobby, demonstrating abject loyalty to lord lieutenant and crown.
OConor responded to the arrival of Ferdinando Warner [vide supra],
who was now in the good graces of the Dublin Society, and likely to be
recipient of a public subscription towards a general History of Ireland,
by communicating to him papers to offset the Protestant interpretation
fo 1641 and other parts of Irish history, notable John Currys Historical
Memoirs. [386-87] Charles OConors letter to Curry, remarking
on his encouragements to Warner, is to be found in his Letters, ed, CE
&RE Ward, 2 vols (Ann Arbor, Mich.; Irish Am. Cult. Inst./Univ. Microfims
1980).
OConor wrote an open letter
to David Hume on some mispresentations in his history of Great Britain,
that is, regarding 1641. The letter appeared in the Gentlemans magazine
in 1793. A copy of Currys book was sent to Hume in Paris about the
same time. (See David Berman, David Hume and the 1641 Rebellion
in Ireland, Studies 65, 1976, pp.101-112.).
Hume toned done his account of 1641
in the 1770 ed. of his History. [388]. But note, ftn.406: Hume became
harsher in the 1778 ed., thinkingaccording to Bermanat
that date that OConor and Curry had overstated their claim; though
Leerssen believes that the history (1771) issued by Leland in the interim
was the real cause of his change of heart.
When the first volume of Warners
soi-distant impartial history (nothing argued for with a partial
affection to one country, or with a prejudice to the other) appeared
in 1763, Charles OConor say through this astutia historica, as he
called it (letter to Curry, 19 Aug, 1763; Letters, Vol I, p.172) [388].
Warner allow himself the usual anglo-Irish condescension towards the savage
natives: they are yet so far from being civilised, especially in
villages distant from cities, and where the English manners have not prevailed,
that their habitations, furniture, and apparel are as sordid as those
of the savages in America.
laziness
a cynical content in
dirt and beggary &c [verbatim quoting Berkeley]. Preparatory
to publishing a second volumein fact never completedWarner
issued a separate History of the rebellion and civil war in Ireland (1768),
diminishing the reputed number of massacre victims and condemning the
penal laws, but not absolving Catholics. [389]
Thomas Leland, successful author of
a life of Philip of Macedonia: in him OConor supposed he found another
vehicle. Exhorted by OConor and by Burke, and supplied with MSS
by these as well as Lord Charlemont, he began preparing in 1769. OConor
called on Curry to suspend his work on an answer to Warner, but Lelands
book, appearing in 1771, shattered his hopes when it came down firmly
on the side of Temples account of 1641, ultimately based on the
questionable depositions at TCD. In The History of Ireland from the Invasion
of Henry II with a preliminary discourse on the ancient state of that
kingdom, 3 vols (Dublin 1772), Leland pretended some impartiality, and
begged off with an apologetic assertion that it was difficult or impossible
to write of the events without offending some, or all, of those
discordant parties.
For OConors relation to
Leland, see Walter D. Love, Charles OConor of Belanagare and
Thomas Leland;s philosophical history of Ireland, in
Irish historical studies 13 (1962-3), p.1-25.
For Burkes part in the Leland
controversy, see Walter D. Love, Edmund Burke and an Irish historiographical
controversy, in History and theory 2 (1962), pp.180-198.
Curry rushed a pamphlet into print
attacking Lelands book [bibl.; Occasional remarks on certain passages
in Dr Lelands History of Ireland relative to the Irish rebellion
of 1641, London 1773]; followed by his Historical and critical review
of the civil wars in Ireland, with The State of the Irish Catholics (rep.
Lon. 1793).
Charles Topham Bowden, A tour through
Ireland (Dublin 1791), visited Charles OConor and reported that
he has been, for many years of his life, employed in collecting
materials and writing a history of Ireland, which was anxiously wished
for by the public: whom I am sorry to inform they never are to behold
that interesting work, as he has committed it to the flames, from an apprehension
that his bad state of health would not permit him to complete it agreeable
to his wishes, or worthy of the rank he has long supported in the literary
world (p.218-19) [Leerssen 391]
Paul van Tieghan, Ossian en France,
2 vols (Paris 1917).
Roderick OFlaherty answered
Sir George Mackenzies attempts [in A Defence of the Antiquity of
the Royal Line of Scotland, 1685] to push back the date of the Irish invasion
of Scotlandthus reviving the Dempsterian view that Scotland not
Ireland was the original of Scotiain The Ogygia vindicated
against the objections of Sir George Mackenzie, which was not however
printed. [392]
It is in this context that we understand
the dialogue between Scot and Irishman in Macklins Love a la mode
(1757), in which Sir Archy says: ..why ye of Ireland, sir, are but
a colony frae us, an oot cast!, to which Sir Callaghan OBrallaghan
repliesin a parody of the historical tradition represented by
OFlahertyI beg your pardon, Sir Archy, that is the
Scotch account, which, you know, never speaks truth, because it is alway
partialbut the Irish history, which must be the best, because
it was written by an Irish poet of my own family, one Shemus Thurlough
Shannaghan OBrallaghan; and he says, in his chapter on genealogy,
that the Scots are all Irishmens bastards. See JO Bartley,
ed., Charles Macklin, Four Comedies (1968), p.59. [393]
Faced with the fact that Gaelic Irish
historians had established that the traditions of Finn could not have
antedated the arrival of the Irish Celts in before the third century when
Ossian was supposed to have livedwith the assent of English and
Scottish historians such as Stillingfleet and Lloyd, and most recently
endorsed by Thomas Innes in A critical essay on the ancient inhabitants
of the northern parts of Britain or Scotland (1729)Macpherson
counterattacked in an introduction to Fingal (1726) entitled A dissertation
concerning the poems of Ossian, speaking of the improbably
and self-condemned tales of Keating and OFlaherty as credulous
and puerile to the last degree. [393]. He claimed that internal
proofs showed that the poems published under the name of Ossian,
are not of Irish composition. That favourite chimaera, that Ireland is
the mother-country of the Scots, is totally subverted and ruined
(p.263). He strengthened his position with spurious theories of migration
westward in his Introduction to the history of Great Britain and Ireland
(1771).
Hume became a forceful enemy of Macphersons
pretensions, pointing out the insipid correctnes of the verses,
which revealed their contemporary origin, in comparison with the original
genius of Homer and Shakespeare. Boswell records that he said if
fifty bare---d highlanders should say that Fingal was an original poem,
he would not believe them. Hume himself wrote in favour of the real
Irish tradition, with its greater freedom from 18th c. decorum: the
songs and traditions of the Senachies, the genuine poetry of the Irish,
carry in their rudeness and absurdity the inseparable attendants of barbarism,
a very different aspect from the correctness of Ossian, where the incidents,
if you will pardon the antithesis, are the most unnatural, merely because
they are natural. (Philosophical Works, rep. 1964) [399]
Bibl. Edward Snyder, The Celtic revival
in English Literature 1760-1800 (Havard UP 1923). Also, The Wild
Irish: a study of some English satires, in Modern Philology 17 (1919-20),
pp.687-725.
Cóimhthionól Gaedhilge,
a society for the preservation of Irish, established in Dublin in 1752,
of which only the manuscript constitution survives as OReilly MS
no. 6 at TCD Library [also available on microfilm at the NLI, and printed
in James Carney, A genealogical history of the OReillys written
in the eighteenth century by Eoghan Ó Raghallaigh (Cavan 1959),
pp.21-22. [383, 395]
James Mageoghegan, Histoire de lIrlande
ancienne et moderne (1758-62).
John OBrien, bishop of Cloyne,
Focalóir GaoidhilgeSax-Bhéarla (paris 1768). The
introduction to OBriens dictionary contains an attack on the
embezzling of Irish tradition by Macpherson. In 1764, he had published
anonymously an essay in Journal des scavans pointing out Oisins
Irish origin.
Leerssen, ftn. 486: William OKelly,
professor at Vienna, Historica descriptio Hiberniae seu majoris Scotiae,
insulae sanctorum (Vienna 1703). Matthew Kennedy, lawyer, Cronological,
geneaological and historical dissertation on the royal family of the Stuarts
(Paris 1705), asserting Irish-Gaelic origins of that dynasty. Demetrius
Mac Enroe, Calamus Hibernicus (ca.1720), a heroic Jacobite poem. Abbé
A. N. OKenny Sommaire de lisle des saints (1739), almanack.
MacCurtins grammar (1728); Conor Begleys dictionary, 1732;
and a partial reprint of Broudines Propugnaculum Catholiciae vertitatis
(1669) under the title of Descriptio regni Hiberniae (Rome 1721).
Ferdinando Warner, then preparing
his history, issued an attack on Macpherson called Remarks on the history
of Fingal (London 1762) in which he was evidently primed by Charles OConor,
who wrote to Curry speaking of presenting Warner with unanswerable
arguments (Letter to Curry, 4 June 1762).
Sylvester OHalloran contributed
a letter to the Dublin magazine, signed Miso-Dolos, in Jan 1763 (p.21-22),
headed The poems of Ossine, the son of Fionne Mac Comhal, re-claimed,
asserting patriotically that the esteem which mankind conceives
in general, is always proportion to the figure they have made in arts
and arms, impugning the Dempsterian embezzlement, and praising our
great primate Usher who, though not of Irish descent, yet thought the
glory of his country worth contending for, and adverting harshly to the
Caledonian plagiary.
Thomas Leland joined in the general
attack on Macpherson in his Aan examination of the arguments contained
in a late Introduction to the history of the antient Irish and Scots (Dublin
1772).
A Dublin Society select committee
to examine the antient state of arts and literature and other antiquities
of Ireland was brain-childed by Charles Vallancey in 1772 (see Minutes
for 17 May 1772). The successor fo the Select Committee was the Hibernain
Antiquarian Society, 1779-83, which in turn set in motion the creation
of RIA in 1782, with vallancey as one of its founding members.
Vallancey: son of a Huguenot émigré,
Army officer; derided by many as a charlatan or at best a naive nitwit,
Vallancy contributed few ideas of any value to the study of Gaelic antiquity,
but much badly-needed enthusiasm, energy and social/religious respectability.
He had founded his periodical Collectanea de rebus Hibernicis as a forum
for antiquarianism. [Further] it was the additional merit of Vallancey
to open this world [of Ascendancy] enthusiasm for Irish antiquity] to
his friend and mentor Charles OConor, in whose wake younger Gaelic,
Catholic scholars like OHalloran and Theophilus Flanagan could begin
to function in close collaboration with Ascendancy Protestants.
[403]. Other men, like William Beauford, Charles Ledwich, and Thomas Campbell,
who like [Bishop] Percy took a more Nordic and consequently less enthusiastic
view of Gaelic antiquity began to deride Vallanceys wild reveries
openly in his Collectanea, which consequently became less a forum for
Irish antiquarianism than a bear-baiting ground. [403-05]
Leerssen offers a further defence
of Vallancey against charges of folly and eccentricity, at [420], arguing
that his Phoenician theories were in line with the French-nurtured pre-scientific
philology exemplified in English by Rowland Jones, James Parsons, and
William Shawthe latter Dr. Johnsons friend who called Gaelic
the language of Japhet, spoken before the Deluge, and probably the
Speech of Paradise. Vallancey jauntily compared the few Irish words
he knew with Phoenician, Iranian, Arabic, Chinese, etc
but his
work inspired JC Walker, and also Charlotte Brooke, to lay the foundations
of Irish literary history. His eminent position is testified by the stature
of his opponents, e.g., Percy, and the well-known bequest by Henry Flood
(vide infra) [420].
OConor was invited to become
a corresponding member of the Select Committee (founded 1772) of the Dublin
Society, as was Sylvester OHalloran and the Dublin Catholic archbishop
Carpenter, under the presidency of Sir Lucius OBrien. At the first
meeting, OConor was entrusted with publishing OFlahertys
answer to Mackenzie, in The Ogygia vindicated, which duly appeared in
1775 with an introduction by OConor on the origin and antiquity
of the ancient Scots of Ireland and Britain (ppxxv-xlviii) and an appendix
containing John Lynchs anti-Dempsterian letter to Boileau. In this
wayas OConor wrote to Curryhe hoped to have the
latter as well as the former hypothesis of North British writing demolished
in one book and under the same cover (letter to Curry 25 Mar 1772).
Letters of invitation from Sir Lucius
to Charles OConor are quoted in Charles OConor S.J., The early
life of Charles OConor (1710-91) of Belanagare and the beginning
of the Catholic revival in Ireland in the eighteenth cntury, unpublished
typescript dated 1930 in the NLI. See also Charles OConor
of Belanagare. an Irish scholars education, in Studies 23
(1934), pp.124-143, 455-469; and Origins of the Royal Irish Academy,
Studies 38 (1949), pp.325-337.
Sylvester OHalloran reacted
to Lelands History with his Ierne defended, with the subtitle, a
Candid Refutation of such passages in the Rev Dr. Lelands and the
Rev Mr Whitakers Works, as seem to affect the Authenticity and Validity
of Antient Irish History.
Bibl.: a seminal essay for Leerssens
study is clearly Walter D. Love, The Hibernian Antiquarian Society:
a forgotten predecessor to the Royal Irish Academy, Studies 51 (1962),
pp.419-431. And NOTE: RIA members were Vallancey, OConor, Walker,
Parsons, and OFlanagan.
Thomas Campbells Philosophical
survey (1777) repeatedly takes a unionist stance (p. 334-5, 341-2. 350-1,
359-60). [405]
Ledwich contrasts native barbarism
with English civility in the preface to his Antiquities of Ireland: When
Hibernians compare their present with their former condition; their just
and equal laws, with those that were uncertain and capricious; the happy
security of peace with the miseries of barbarous manners, their hearts
must overflow to the Autho of such blessings: nor will they deny their
obligations to the fostering care of Britain, the happy instrument for
conferring them (2nd ed., p.[iv]). [405]
Sylvester OHalloran had learned
Irish as a boy from Seán Clárach Mac Domhnaill, as he tells
in An introduction to the study of the history and antiquities of Ireland:
In which the assertions of Mr Hume and other writers are occasionally
considered (London/Dublin 1772) (p.162). [Leerssen, 406] It opens; Having
a natural reverence for the dignity and antiquity of my native country,
strengthened by education, and confirmed by an intimate knowledge of its
history, I could not, without the greatest pain and indignation, behold
almost all the writers of England and Scotland
representing
the Irish nation as the most brutal and savage of mankind, destitute of
arts, letters, and legislation .. (p.i). OHalloran attacks
the calumnies of Cambrensis, but also the more modern ones of Macpherson
and Hume (pp.282ff, 337ff), doing so from an Irish rather than a specifically
Gaelic standpoint. In his General History of Ireland (1778), he examines
the pre-English record of high civilisation.
OHallorans
works present a confluence of the Gaelic and Anglo-Irish traditions of
antiquarianism, and seem more concerned with the vindication of Irelands
national reputation than with the elucidation of past history. [Leerssen,
416]
PATRIOTS PARLIAMENT
Sir Lucius OBrien, Luke Gardiner,
and Hely Hutchinson gaing increasing applause for non-mercenary behaviour
faced with the tightening of government patriotage under Townshend, Viceroy;
the Octennial Bill established 8-year elections in 1768; Townshend resigned
in 1772; Grattan entered Parliment 1775.
The demand for free trade was now
made with thinly-veiled threats of armed force, and Hussey de Burghs
famous reference to the Cadmus legend is indeed an aprt assessment of
the situatio at the time: England has sown her laws like dragons
teeth and they have sprung up armed men. Free trade was thus exacted
from the British govt., with the result that the Irish economy took a
sudden turn for the better.. [407].
Poynings Law of 1495, cemented
in Declaratory Act of 1720; Grattan gained the Repeal of the Declaratory
Act during the short-lived Rockingham Adminstration. [407]
Grattans speech: I am
now to address a free people: ages have passes away, and this is the first
moment in which you could have distinguished by that appelation, I have
spoken on the subject of your liberty so often, that I have nothing to
add, and have only to admire by what heaven-directed step you have proceeded
until the whole faculty of the nation is braced up to the act of her own
deliverance. I found Ireland on her knees, I watched over her wth an eternal
solicitde; I have traced her progress from injuries to arms, and from
arms to liberty. Spirit of Swift! Spirit of Molyneux! your genius has
prevailed! Ireland is now a nation! in that new character I hail her!
and bowing to her august presence, I say, Esto perpetua! She is no longer
a wretched colony, returning thnaks to her governor for his rapine, and
to her king for his oppression; nor is she now a squabbling, fretful secretary,
peerplexing her little wits, and fixing her furious statutes with bigory,
sophistry, disability, and death, to transmit to posterity insignificance
and war. Look to the rest of Europe, and contemplate yourself, and be
satisfied. Holland lives on the memory of past achievement; Sweden has
lost her liberty; England has sullied her great name by an attempt to
enslave her colonies. You are the only people,you, of the nations
in Europe, are not the only people who excite admiration. See Grattan,
Speeches in the Irish and the imperial parliament, ed. by his son, 4 vols
(London 1822), vol 123, p.182.
Paul Hiffernan, the colourful mounteback
.., published in 1754 a pamphlet advocating the use of Irish subject-matter
for a national (Anglo-)Irish literature
the pamphlet called The
Hiberniad and advocating Irelands literary potential with an apologetic
Sketch, in Behalf or Its Natural Beauty, and Its Genius of its Inhabitants
(p.3); also, Two Motives for national Pride, ara (1) The Beauties
of the Country; (2) The extraordinary Talents of its Native (p.5).
[Leerssen, 409].
Richard Twisss Tour of Ireland
(1775) caused such Irish indignation, especially with its echoes of Fynes
Moryson and its verbation repetitions Lithgow, that Irish chamberpots
were made with his portrait inside, besided answers in Richard Lewis,
A Defence of Ireland and ridicule by William Preston in pamphlets. [410]
And see ftn.439: a twiss became a chamberpot (cf. Lexicon
1971) [486]
John Keogh, Vindication of the antiquities
of Ireland (1748): not any affront or abuse is half so much resented
as a national one. [410]
Charles Forman, A defence of the courage,
honour, and loyalty of the Irish-nation. In answer to the scandalous reflections
in the Free-Briton and others. He adduces Gaelic and Old English catholics
as evidence of bravery, and refers to Protestant Anglo-Irishmen to illustrate
Irish wit. [410]
Edmund Burke wrote the Sir Hercules
Langrishe that the penal laws divided the nation into two distinct
bodies, without common interest, sympathy, or connexion (Burke,
Works, 1856, vol. 6 p.22). [411]. Langrishes contention that
the roman catholics should enjoy everything under the State, but should
not be the State itself withered under the clear gaze of Edmunc
Burke (letter to Langrish, 3 Jan 1792; and published in the same year;
also in Burke Letters, speeches and tractson Irish affairs, ed. Matthew
Arnold, 1881, pp.206-278).
And NOTE ftn.441: It was Burke who
found a London publisher for Currys Historical memoirs, and who
had drawn up an address for the Catholic Committee in 1764. Cd. Curry
to Burke, 8 June 1765.
Grattan regard the significance of
Gardiners [Catholic relief] bill to be the question whether
we shall be a Protestant settlement or an Irish nation. [411]
Leerssen comments: to be sure, Grattans
nation is primarily a socio-economic one and cannot be equated with the
diachronically defined nation (an inherited culture, as an
expression of national character working through history) as used in later,
19th c. contexts. [408]
Paul Hiffernan, colourful mountebank,
The Hiberniad (1754), a pamphlet advocating the use of Irish subject-matter
in An Apologetic Sketch, in Behalf of Its Natural Beautiess, and
Genius of Its Inhabitants, and arguing that Two Motives for
national Pride are 1) The Beauties of the Country; 2) The Extraordinary
Talents of its Natives (p.5).
Richard Twiss, Tour in Ireland (1776),
based on travels in the preceeding year, drew much hostility as repeating
slurs on the Irish character in Fynes Moreyson and Lithgow.[410]
A Richard Lewis wrote a poem, A Defence
of Ireland, in Answer to the Partial and Malicious Accounts given
of it by Mr Twiss [410]
which contains, amid much invective
in heroic couplets, an appeal to Charles OConor
Irelands
most able champion in the national fight against calumny: When cowardly
Scribblers, with infernal Rage,/IRELAND traduce in each malignant Page,/When
base Assassions grasp thenvenomd Dart,/And try to stab HIBERNIA
to the Heart,/Why sleeps OCONNOR [sic]?/Why, with powerful arm,/Will
he not straight such Murders disarm?/Rise, Rise!thy Country calls!In soft Repose/Indulge not, but chastise thy Foes:/Let not, Oh!
let not those thou lovst complain,/Nor hear thy Country as thy Aid
in vain. (p.28) [415]
John Keogh, Vindication of the antiquities
of Ireland (1748) claimed that not any affront or abuse is half
so much resented as a national one.
Charles Forman, pamphlet, A defence
of the courage, honour, and loyalty of the Irish-nation. In answer to
the scandalous reflections in the Free-briton and others (1754), citing
emigres (wild-geese) as well as Anglo-Irish exemplums of courage and wit
respectively.
Burke held that the penal laws, in
repressing the majority, sinned against eh basic Lockean principle of
equity and utility (p.27)
The Irish Volunteers resolved, at
the Dungannon Convention in 1782: We hold that the right of private
judgement in matters of religion to be equally sacred in others as in
ourselves; and as men and as Irishmen, as Christians and as Protestants,
we rejoice in the relaxation of the penal laws against our Roman Catholic
fellow-subjects, and that we conceive the measure to be fraught with the
happiest consequences to the union and the prosperity of the inhabitants
of Ireland. (quoted in Lecky, 1892, vol. 2, 284) [411]
Fitzgibbon, opponent of the patriots,
threw cold water on their independence: For give me
leave to say, sir, that when we speak of the people of Ireland, it is
a melancholy truth that we do not speak of the great body of the people
the ancient nobility and gentry of this country have been hardily
treated. the Act by which most of us hold our Estates is an Act of violencean Act subverting the first principles of the Common Law in England
and Ireland. I speak of the Act of Settlement. [412] And cf. Burke,
the old violence.
Wolfe Tone: A country so great
a stranger to itself as Ireland, where North and South and East and West
meet to wonder at each other, is not yet prepared for the adoption of
one political faith
Our provinces are ignorant of each other; our
island is connected, we ourselves are insulated; and distinctions of rank
and property and religious persuasion have hitherto been not merely lines
of difference, but brazen walls of of separation. We are separate nations,
met and settled together, not mingled but conveneduncemented,
like the image which Nebuchadnezzar saw, with a head of fine gold, legs
of iron, feet of clayparts that do not cleave to one another.
(Quoted in Froude, 1895, vol 3, 12-13).
William Crawford, History of Ireland.
From the earliest period to the present times, 2 vols (Strabane 1783).
Ends with references to Grattans free parliament: flame of
patriotism
emancipated from foreign bondage
our brethern
in America
glorious struggle
attained the accomplishment
of their wishes. [416]
Ogygia, published in translation
by James Hely, TCD, in 1793 and dedicated to The Irish Nation:
..sincerely and most ardently wishing that the blessing of peace,
plenty, unanimity and brotherly love, may for ever continue in the land;
that your rts and manufactures may rapidly flourish and increase, to a
degree of celebrity and perfection; that your real grievances may procure
immediate redress, and that every corrupt and gross abuse may be chased
from this once unpolluted isle; and that your commerce and trade, through
all its various branches, unobstructed and unrestricted, extend to all
parts of the globe! (p.xii). He was assisted in the translation
by Theophilus OFlanagan.
Theophilus OFlanagan, young
antiquarian employed at TCD, issued his translation of John Lynchs
Cambrensis eversus as Cambrensis refuted (1795), which he represents anachronistically
as a vindication of the national and constitutional independence
of Ireland, against the outrageous calumny and opprobrius [sic] traduction
of all unprincipled adversary writers, one of whome is particularily designated,
the false and flimsy Giraldus Cambrensis. (p.iii). Leerrsen comments that
this sort of timelessnessor anachronismis not unlike the
one created by the eighteenth century aisling or vision-poem. [418]
The main enemy identified in the notes
added by OFlanagan is Edward Ledwich, whom OFlanagan here
[Cambrensis refuted, 1795] calls one
of Giralduss followers
in the effort to degrade the character of our nation, and to endeavour,
by every possible calumny, to bring us into disgrace and disrepute not
only with the generality of the enlightened world, but even with ourselves.
(p.iii) Ledwich was the anti-Phoenician opponent of Vallancey and his
fellow-Gaelic antiquarians [418]
Leerssen: what is needed for a national
ideology is what Dinneen called so aptly the unification of history
synoptically unifying Brian Ború, the great earl Fitzgerald, Eogan
Rua Ó Néill, Swift, Tone, and OConnell (to the exclusion
of misfits like Sir Richard Cox) as avatars of a single timeless principleat the same time disregarding differences that are greater between
any of these these than between contemporaries like, for example, George
Washington and Catherine the Great. [418]
John Smiths Galic antiquities
[consisting of a history of the druids, a dissertation on the authenticity
of the poems of Ossian: and a collection of ancient poems, translated
from the Galic of Ullin, Ossian, Orran, &c. (Edinburgh 1780) have
been condemned by Van Tieghem and Stern as miserable forgeries; in their
time ther were nearly as successful
as Macphersons own work;
[he] had no qualms about publishing his Gaelic sources which appeared
as Sean dána in 1787. Though obviously under the misapprehension
that those fragments he collected could be pieced together into one epic
whole, he does indicate the shift from one fragment to another. [419]
Thomas Ford Hill collected smaller
Gaelic poems from highland tradition, in the Gentlemans magazine,
1781, thereby doing much to save the Ossianic child from the Macpherson
bathwater.
Henry Flood made a large bequestthe income of an estateto found a chair of philology at TCD, stipulating
that if he shall still be then living, Colonel Charles Vallancey
to be the first professor thereof
seeing that by his eminent and
successful labours in the study and recovery of that language [Gaelic]
he well deserves to be so first appointed. (Quoted in Parsons, op cit.,
infra.) The foundation was successfully opposed by his relatives, arguing
that it contravened the Anglocentric 28 Henry VIII (Act for the
English order, habite, and language).
Lawrence Parsons, Observations on
the bequest of Henry Flood, Esp. to Trinity College, Dublin. With a defence
of the ancient history of Ireland, Dublin 1795.); a pamphlet pointing
out that the study of Gaelic would make manuscripts accessible which
would throw a considerable light upon a very early era of history of the
human race, as well as relieve this country from the most unjust charges
of ignorance and barbarism, at a time when it was by far more enlightened
and civilized than any of the adjacent nations (p.25-6). Parsons
highlights Vallancys Pheonicio-Gaelic interpretation of the Carthaginian
speech in Plautuss Poenulus (p.38-9).
Charles Henry Wilson published a collection
of Select Irish poems translated into English (c.1782), which anticipated
Charlotte Brookes Reliques of ancient Irish poetry. Wilson later
published recollections of her father Henry Brooke in Brookiana (1814).
Wilsons poems contain verses in homage to Vallancy, born to
cultivate the arts.
Charlotte Brooke encouraged to learn
Irish by her father
of a retiring disposition
JC Walker
induced her to furnish his Historical memoirs of the Irish bards of 1785
with some Gaelic poems and translationscredited to an anonymously
fair hand
he and Percy prevailed on her to publish
her collection of translations from the Irish
a speedy second edition
I trust I am doing an acceptable service to my country, while
I endeavour to rescue from oblivion a few of the invaluable reliques of
her ancient genius
And will they [her countrymen] not be benefitted,
will they not be gratified at the lustre reflected on them by ancestors
so very different from what modern prejudice has been studious to represent
them? But this is not all.As yet, we are too little known to our
noble neighbour in Britain; were we better acquainted, we should be better
friends. The British muse is not yet informed that she has an elder sister
in this isle; let us introduce them to each other!
Let them entreat
of Britain to cultivate at a nearer acquaintance with her neighbouring
isle. let them conciliate for us her esteem, and her affection will follow
of course. Let them tell her, that the portion of her blood, which flows
in our veins is rather ennobled than disgraced by the mingling tides that
descend from our heroic ancestors. (Reliques of Irish poetry: consisting
of heroic poems, odes, elegies, and songs, translated in English verse,
Dublin 1789, p.vii-viii). Refering to OConor, OHalloran, and
Vallancey, she says: comparatively feeble hands aspire only (like
the ladies of ancient Rome) to strew flowers in the paths of these laureled
champions of my country (p.iii). The book has an Irish motto: A
Oisín, as binn linn do sgéalaÓ Oisín,
we are charmed by your stories). It is pointedly respectable to
include Gaelic originals thereby putting their geniuneness beyond all
doubt. [422-23]
2 eds of Reliques of Irish poetry:
consisting of heroic poems, odes, elegies, and songs, translated in English
verse published in Dublin 1789; another in 1795.
JC Walker: The Historical memoirs
of the Irish bards stands next to Ledwichs own Antiquities of Ireland
as the work that was to remain most influential into the following century.
it evinces an overriding interest in the social realities of Gaelic
antiquity. A broad spectrum of native sources, not only secondary (Keating,
MacCurtin, OFlaherty, Toland, OConor) but primary (from Fearflatha
Ó Gním to Carolan). Can that nation be deemed barbarous,
in which learning shared the honours next to royalty? Warlike as the Irish
were in those days, even arms were less respected among them than letters.
Read this, ye polished nations of the earth, and blush! (Vol 1, p.8-9).
It was hinted to me by a friend, who perused my manuscript, that
I dwell with too much energy on the oppressions of the English; treading,
sometimes with a heavy step, on ashes not yet cold. But, however thankful
for the hint, I cannot subscribe to his opinion. I have only related unexaggerated
historic truths. (Vol 2, p.3) [424]
Gaelic Magazine, Bolg an tsolair,
1795, published in Belfast by the Northern Star, revivalist in purpose
as recommend[ing] the Irish language to the notie [sic] of Irishmen;
it contains Ossianic poems, with translations by Charlotte Brooke, and
a learners grammar. [424-25]. A grammar was later issued in 1837
likewise called Bolg an t-solair, with the title-page motto: Eirinn
go brath and the distych, Is tir gan tlacht, gan reacht, can fhéile/Nach
ttuigin treabh aon Mhathara chéile [it is a land without
sheen, without order or joy, where the children of one mother cannot understand
each other], being the closing lines of a poem by Paul OBrien,
professor of Irish at the Catholic seminary of Maynooth, and member of
the Gaelic Society of Dublin, published in an Irish grammar (A practical
grammar of the Irish language, 1809, p.x), intended for Maynooth students.
Theophilus OFlanagan, trans.
Lynchs Cambrensis eversus [417 supra]; fell under grave and unfounded
suspicion of forgery. See ftn. His account of Ogham in Co. Clare published
in the first vol. of Transactions of the RIA (1787, sect. c., p.1ff.;
and cf. Archaelogia 7, 1785, pp.276-85. The imputation that he actually
forged the inscription which he so fancifully misread was reputed by Samuel
Ferguson in a vigorous defence, in Proceedings of the RIA, 2nd ser. vol
1., 265ff, 315ff. He translated the Annals of Innisfallen; employed as
Irish language expert at TCD & RIA; and had a widespread if unobtrustive
influence on contemporary antiquarianism, his help being acknowledged
by Charlotte Brooke [1789, p.ix], JC Walker [1786, pref.], and James Hely
1793, p.xi], while Campbell mentions in 1787 the help of Mr Flanagan,
a student of Trinity College, greatest adept he [the librarian there]
knew in the Irish language [Campbell to Percy, 27 Feb 1787] while
Percy though his the very ablest assistance of this kingdom
that he could offer to John Pinkerton was that of Campbell and OFlanagan
[Percy to Pinkerton, 28 Feb. 1787].
OFlanagan dedicated his translation
of Ogygia to Henry Grattan. His footnotes include a advocacy of the study
of Irish: Even to know the language, or to be more than superficially
acquainted with the ancient history of this country, has been long considered,
by frippery folly and ostentatious nonsense, with the very realm, an ungenteel
and inelegant accomplishmenta mark of what contracted ignorance
calls barbarism, and the fatal characteristic on which bigoted prejudice
fixes its merciless talons
This is the flattering picture of our
national spirit, pride, and independence!We reject national distinction,
without advancing national prosperity. (p.46-7 n.)
In 1807 he founded the Gaelic Society
of Dublin, and edited its first and only volume, Transactions, the following
year, containing his translations of the Deirdre saga, and a poem by Tadhg
Mac Bruaaideadha, etc. Leerssen sees OFlanagan as an important link
between pre-Union ascendancy antiquarianism and its nineteenth century
successor, cutlural nationalism, but also after OConor and before
Eugene OCurry between this antiquarianism and living Gaelic tradition.
Himself Gaelic, he had close links with the lexicographer Peter OConnell,
with Richard McElligott, his Limerick-born colleague in the Gaelic Society,
and poets like Aindrias Mac Craith, an Mangaire Súgach.
[426]
Vallanceys Grammar of the Iberno-Celtic
or Irish language (1773) was the first grammar by a member of the ascendancy
not be be inspired by motives of prosletyzation [but to] aim to vindicate
Gaelic culture by vindicating the language in which it expressed itself.
Dedication to Sir Lucius OBrien; Sir, the repeated indignities
of late years cast on the the history and antiquities of this once famed
and learned island, by many writers of Great Britain, have involuntarily
drawn forth the following work. The puerile excuse hitherto offered by
the invidious critics, of the want of means to learn the language of the
country whose history they presume to censure, must from henceforth be
rejected (unpaged)
Where the language of any ancient nation is
attainable, a criterion is discovered for distinguishing accurately, the
more remarkable features in the national character. Should the dialect
be found destitute in the general rules of grammatical construction, and
concordance; barren of scientific terms; and grating in its cadence: we
may without hesitation pronounce, that the speakers were a rude and barbarous
nation. The case will be altered much, where we find a language masculine
and nervous; harmonious in its articulation; copious in its phraseology;
and replete with those abstract and technical terms, which no civilised
people can want. We not only grant that the speakers were once a thinking
and cultivated people; but we must confess that the language itself, is
a species of historical inscription, more ancient, and more anuthentic
also, as far as it goes, than any precarious hearsay of old foreign writers,
strangers in general, to the natural, as well as the civil history of
the remote countries they describe. (p.1) [427]
Bolg an tsolair continued this idea:
The Irish will be found by the unprejudiced ear, to excell in the
harmony of its cadence; nor was ever any language fitter to express the
feelings of its heart; nor need it to be wondered at, when we consider
that their country was the seat of the muses, from times of the remotest
antiquity, and that no nation ever encouraged poets and musicians, more
than the ancient Irish
(p.iv) [427]
In a crucial observation, Leerssen
compares the Macpherson-influence style of Anglo-Irish translations of
Gaelic poetry (in Charles Henry Wilson and Charlotte Brooke) with the
style in which Patriot playwrights were beginning to treat of Gaelic antiquity
on the Dublin stage. [428]
The ossianic and gothic graveyard
influence is clearly noticeably in The Siege of Tamor (1773) by Gorge
Howard. Ftn. The Author had at one time corresponded with Oconor
and worked as an attorney for the Catholic Committee (vide OConor
to Curry, 22 Jan 1763, in Letters, vol 1 152; OConor to Howard,
4 Jly 1763, Letters vol 1, 160-1; and also Gilberts History of Dublin,
1854, vol. 2, 44-8. Leerssen quotes from the play (pp.38; 13-14 [Fighting
for freedom, they have nobly perishd/And liberty sheds tears upon
their graves; 20; and 12), and characterises its verse-encomia of ancient
Irish kings in the sprit of the modern Bolingbrokean tradition of the
Patriot king as Patriot, rather than loyalist, claptrap. [429]:,
e.g., O! may thalmoight arm at once oerwhelm/This spacious
isle beneath the circling main,/Its name and its memorial quite efface,/And
sink it from the annals of the world,/Ere the last remnant of her free-born
sons/Stretch forth their willing necks to vile subjection! (p.12).
Leerssen quotes in full Peter Seguins
Prologue, noticed also in Kavanagh and others. The sentiments are essentially
those of a Patriot antiquarian: O shame! not now to feel, not now
to melt/At woes, that whilom your famd country felt; let your swoln
breast, with kindred ardours glow!/Let your swoln eyes, with kindred
passions flow!/So shall the treasure, that alone endures,/and all the
world of ancient timesbe your! (from Prologue, Siege of
Timor, Dublin 1773, pp.iii-iv)
Francis Dobbs, The Patriot King, or,
the Irish Chief (1774); significantly rejected by major London theatres;
performed Smock Alley 9p.8). Leerssen quotes the familiar preface. So
many lines with an Irish howl,/Without by Jasus, or upon my showl;/Tis
strange indeednor can I hope belief,/When I declare myself, the
IRISH CHIEF. (p.9). The Gaelic cause is identified with the libertarian,
Patriot one. Ceallachainleading a small band faced with a Danish
army: What are ten thousand slaves opposed to men/Who fight for
freedom, and for glory burn! (p.33); again, Ceallachain: Thinkst
thou
I could resign/A loyal nation to tyrannic sway?/Had you eer
felt the flame of patriot fire,/Whose purifying blaze enobles man,/and
banished each base, each selfish thought,/Far from the breast wherein
deigns to dwell
(p.41). Leerssen shows the source of these sentiments
in Charlotte Brookes translations. [433].
JC Walker attributed the melancholy
nature of Irish music to the historical and political woes of the poets,
who were therefore seen as being uniformly stirred by patriotic feeling:
thus we see that music maintained its ground in this country even
after the invasion of the English. But its style suffered a change: for
the sprightly Phrygian, to which, says Gelden, the Irish
were wholly inclined, gave way to the grave Doric, or soft Lydian
measure. Such was the nice sensibility of the Bards, such was their tender
affection for their country, that the subjection to which the Kingdom
was reduced, affected them with the heaviest sadness. Sinking beneath
the weight of sympathetic sorrow, they became prey to melancholy. Hence
the plaintiveness of their music. (vol, 1, 181). [433]
In contrastor unfortunate
extenuationof this pathetic view of the sources of sentiment,
JC Walker also elaborates a national trait which he must surely have adopted
from the stage-Irishman of the London theatre:
But perhaps
the melancholic spirit which breates through the poetry and music of the
Irish, may be attributed to another cause; a cause which operated anterior
and subseqent to, the invasion of the English. We mean the remarkable
susceptibility of the Irish to the passion of love. (Vol. 1, 185).
All this starry-eyed fascination with
Irelands Gaelic roots was rudely interrupted in the year 1798 when
the amorous Irish rose in open revolt. [434]
The reassertion of an anti-Gaelic
and pro-British historiography was bolstered by the re-publication of
Ledwichs Antiquities of Ireland in 1804.
John Jones, Impartial narrative of
the most important engagements which took place between his majestys
forces and the rebels, during the Irish rebellion, 1798, 2 parts (Dublin
1799). The surviving loyalist will rejoice in the triumph of Law
and the restoration of order. The surviving Rebel will repent his folly,
and enjoy the comforts which Law and Order distribute. (part 1,
p.vi.) [434]
Patrick Duigenan, Impartial History
of the late rebellion in Ireland (new ed. London n.d. [1802].
John Graham, Annals of Ireland, ecclesiastical,
civil and military (London 1819), dedicated to the Protestants of
the united empire of Great Britain and Ireland (p.[iii]).
Catholic emancipationists also dwelt
on the injustice meted out to the Catholic population, and strove to prove
the political reliability of the Catholics by showing their meekness in
the face of this adversity -thus, for instance, bishop Doyle. [435].
Leerssen identifies Moores biography
of Lord Edward as the instrument which established his place in the national
hagiology. And note: misorthog., Robert Emmett [sic, Leerssen 435]
JC Walker, assessing the impact of
the Rebellion on antiquarianism: Vallancey must, as you suppose,
be hurt at the conduct of those whose champion he has been. However, he
has this consolation: the rebellion began amongst, and was for a considerable
time confined to, the descendents of the English and other nations that
settled in the counties of Dublin, Wicklow, and Wexford. I do not believe
it would be possible to find one hundred or even fifty people in those
three countries who understand or speak the Irish language. Latterly,
indeed, the Milesians have rallied round the standard of the Rebellion.
(Walker to Pinkerton, in Pinkerton, Literary correspondence, 1830, vol.
2 37.) [435]
JC Walkers Historical memoirs
reprinted in 1804.
OFlanagan
followed in
the footsteps of Vallancy, and used every opportunity to denounce Edward
Ledwich, Vallanceys old adversary, as the Anti-Antiquary of
Ireland whose writings are deliberately designed and barefaced
falsehoods. The Advertisement reads: The society recommends
itself to every liberal, patriotic, and enlightened Mind; an opportunity
is now, at length, offered to the Learned of Ireland, to retrieve their
Character among the Nations of Eurpe, and shew that their History and
Antiquites are not fitted to be consigned to eternal oblivion; the Plan,
if pursued with spirit and perseverance, will redound much to the Honor
of Ireland. (OFlanagan, ed., Transactions of the Gaelic Society
of Dublin, 1808, p.227) [435].
The society had a rule stipulating
that no religious or political Debates whatever shall be permitted,
such being foreing to the Object and Principles of the Society (p.xvii).
An almost identical rule was included in the articles of the Iberno-Celtic
Societys Transactions (p.vii), of which society the chronological
account of the Irish writers, and descriptive catalogue of such of their
works as are still extant in verse or prose by Edward OReilly
formed the bulk. The president of the society was the duke of Leinster,
joined by 8 peers, 6 baronets, 2 MPs and 2 Catholic bishops, while George
Petrie and James Hardiman were also members.
In the year of the Act of Union, JC
Walker wrote to John Pinkerton, A few years ago, Memoirs of the
Life and Writings of the late Charles OConor were printed
in Dublin, which, when ready for publication, it was thought prudent to
suppress. The work, it is true contains some curious historical facts,
and some interesting particulars of the ancient Irish families; but it
breathes the spirit of bigotry, broaches dangerous doctrines, and reflectes
with acrimony on the English settlers, and the Irish parliament, &c.
Through the kindness of a friend, I am indulged with the use of this publication
for a few days. I have already run my eye through it, and found honorable
mention of you, and some severe attacks on Ledwich and Cambell. (Walker
to Pinkerton, March 1800), in Pinkertons Literary correspondence,
1830, vol. 2., 137-8.)
Edward Reilly read a to the RIA in
1824 a paper on Brehon Laws, which defended the justness and equity of
the ancient Gaels as evinced by their legal system, later published with
a catalogue of Irish legal documents in TCD. [437]
ftn. The Ulster king of arms, Sir
William Betham supported Vallanceys theories of Phoenician origin
of the Celts; his position in the RIA made untenable by Petries
historical enquiries; OReilly assisted Bethans genealogical
work; one James Scurry contributed a grammatical /lexicological survey
of Irish studies to the RIA in 1828, which was caustic about OReillys
work. See Transactions of the RIA, vol. 15, section Antiquities,
p.1-86. [437]
Philip Barron, founded Ancient Ireland,
the first periodical since Bolg an tsolair. Ancient Ireland ran for five
monthly issues: to revive the study of the Irish language, and to
institute a vigorous inquiry into the Antient History of Ireland (No.
1, p.2); necessary to state, for the information of all, that this
Magazine is to be solely land altogether a literary publication. Politics
and Polemics are totally excluded from its pages [prospectus bound
with the magazine in the copy held by the NLI.] At the same time, the
issue quotes with approval a communication from an anonymous corresponded
who had thrown away the English language with contempt, and taken
to our own language again. [437]
The Ulster Gaelic Society (Cuideacht
Gaedhilge Uladh), founded in Belfast in 1830 by Dr James McDonnell, who
organised the famomous Belfast harpers festival of 1793 and others such
as Dr Bryce, Robert McAdam, and Tomás Ó Fiannachta. An Irish
Harp Society was active from 1807 to 1817. [438]
James Henthorn Todd founded the Irish
Archaeological Society, (o replace the defunct Iberno-Celtic Society),
with the Duke of Leinster and many RIA members, notably OCurry,
ODonovan, Petrie, Hardiman; but also Daniel OConnell, Thomas
Moore, Smith OBrien, and archb. John McHale; amalgamated in 1853
with the Celtic Society (fnd 1845) to form Irish Arch. and Celtic Society.
Ossianic Society formed in 1853. [438] Another society of note was the
Kilkenny Archaeological Society (est. 1849), later called the Royal Historical
and Arch. Assoc. of Ireland (1872-92) and Royal Antiquaries of Ireland
(from 1892). It had a rule stating that all matters connected with
the religious and political differences which exist in our country
are not only foreign to the objects of this Society but also
calculated to disturb the harmony which is essential to its success.
[ftn.466] Leerssen remarks that the official nationalist policy of the
date was equally unwilling to draw on cultural revivalism, viz OConnell
and Butt. Also, Douglas Hydes Gaelic League professed apolitical
intentions, as did its immediate predecessors, the Gaelic Unin and the
Society for the Preservation of the Irish Language. And NOTE that Leerssen
refers the reader to Breandán OBuachalla for further information
about Irish language societies. [439]
Matthew Careys Vindiciae Hiberniae
(Phil. 1819), those superior spirits, who scorn the yoke of fraud,
impostre, bigotry, and delusion; who, at the sacred shrine of truth, will
offer up their prejudices, how inveterate soever, when her bright torch
illuminates their minds; who, possessing the inestimable blessing of thrice-holy
and revered liberty, acquired by an arduous struggle against a mere incipient
despotism, will sympathize with those who contended ardently, although
unsuccessfully, against as grievous an oppression as ever preseed to earth
a noble and generous nation, which embarked in the same glorious cause
as Leonidas, Epaminondas, Brutus, the prince of Orange, William Tell,
Fayette, Hancock, Adams, Frankin, and Washington
It is likewise
dedicated to the immortal memory of the Desmonds, the ONials, the
ODonnels, the OMoores, the Prestons, the Mountgarrets, the
Castlehavens, the Fitzgeralds, the Sheareses, the Tones, the Emmetts [sic],
and the Myriads of illustrious Irishmen, who sacrificed life or fortune,
in the unsuccessful effort to emancipate a country endowed by heaven with
as many and as choice blessings as any part of the terraqueous globe,
but, for ages, a hopless and helpless victim to a form of government transcendently
pernicious. (p.[iii]). [440]
Leerssen: the moment that Irish nationalism
fell into step with its European counterparts marked by the fact that
the Young Irelanders should take their name from Mazzinis Young
Italy-movement [and] Junges Deutscheland.
The retrojection of nationalistic
attitudes also involved the way Gaelic literature was read
Gaelic
poetry was as anti-English as any nationalist could wish; but the nature
of its anti-Englishness (.. bardic, Catholic, or Jacobite rather than
national) was slightly reinterpreted [441]
Leerssen illustrates with a comparison
between the original and the translation by Mangan of Eoghan Rua OSuilleabháins
Sláinte Righ Searlais. Here Mangan inserts the words
my nation/Fallen down so low! where Eoghan Rua only laments
the devastation of the aristocratic and clerical orders of Gaelic Ireland.
[442]
On ODwyer of the Glens, Leerssen
comments: The use of such token markers of exoticism, label[s] of the
poems non-Englishness [or Gaelic quaintness] was common practice
in order to stress its a radical Irishness, notwithstanding the
fact that it was written in Victorian English. [442]
.. without the least mala fides on
the translators [Fergusons] part, the focial point has nevertheless
shifted from the I Bhróin clan [in his trans. of Aonghus Ó
Dalaighs inter-tribal battle-song of a Wicklow tribe] to what is
represented as a nationally fought conflagration between Gaels and English.
[443]
Dinneen, in his edition of Eoghan
Rua Ó Suilleabháin: That the work of a lyric poet
of the first rank which express national sentiment in its highest form,
should in modern times remain unedited for 120 years after his death,
is a national scandal which has no parallel in the annals of civilised
men, and can be explained only by assuming that the state of slavery in
which Ireland susisted for centuries, did no cease to exist with the Penal
Code. (1901, iii.)
Leerssen remarks on Dinneens
supposition that the mellifluous verse of Eoghan Rua at the last hour
of Gaelic literary tradition were synonymous in sentiment with the nationalism
of the early 20th c. The fact that these two events could be considered
as aspects of the same phenomenon is, for Leerssen, owing to the antiquarian
tradition.
CONCLUSION: Among the gaelic population,
English expansionism was not conceived initially (i.e., in pre-Tudor times)
as a struggle between two nation-states. The only cohesive force comprising
all of Gaelic Ireland as a unity was, until the 17th c., a cultural rather
than a political one.
the relationship between Gaelic clans was
one of shared rivalry rather than central unity
the common denominator
vested in the intellectual elite (bardic) rather than the political elite
(chieftains) of the country.
On the Irish stereotypes in the 19th
c., Leerssen bibliographises: Rachel Bromwich, Matthew Arnold and Celtic
Literature: a retrospect 1865-1965 (Oxford 1965); Lewis Curtis, Apes and
Angels: The Irishman in Victorian Caricature (Washington 1971); and Shaw,
The Celtic Twilight in Studies 23 (1934), pp2541, 260-78.
.. the English-Irish confrontation
perceived on the Irish side as primarily a cultural one, involving religion,
mode of jurisdiction, and the social position of the poet. [446]
..the adoption of a Gaelic auto-imagotype
by a non-Gaelic class of Irishmen, the Anglo-Irish. [447]
What took place was rather that the
Anglo-Irish began to take interest in the imagotypical sense of nationality
that Gaelic Ireland had developed
the Gaelic nationality that was
adopted by the late 18th c. Patriots could fire the nationalistic ideology
of a certain undergroud political tradition, existing in the
margin of the activities of OConnell and later Home Rulers. From
the Young Irelanders and the Fenians until the end of the 19th c., that
nationalistic tradition led a peripheral existence, which became a dominant
political force after the failure of constitutional efforts of Home Rule
advocates like Parnell. [449]
The Gaelic Ireland to whose image
the pre-romantic Anglo-Irish began to subscribed
was at the same
time the continuation of the English sentimentalized hetero-image of Gaelic
Ireland. [449]
It is this perceived continuity that
gives 20th c. writers in English a sense of linguistic and cultural affinity
with Beowulf
rather than foreign works like the Edda
a modern Anglo-Irish poet like Kinsella and Heaney, for all that
he writes in English, will look back to a gaelic rather than an Anglo-Saxon
ancestry, to the Triads, the Tain Bo Cuailgne, the Buile Suibhne. [453]
.. imagotypical nature of the continuity
[effects] the selection of earlier genre or forerunners, and their elevation
into a canon; or the occurence of certain literary revivals ... END
[ADD. SECTION, compiled from footnotes,
etc.]
The imagotypical concept is taken
from Hugo Dyserinck, several titles. [ftns. 1-3]
As distinct from the native Irish,
the Hiberno-Norman, and the Old Englishbeing those who arrived
before the Reformationthe anglo-Irish are those who came after
the Reformation and unheld the English Protestant interest. [ftn.11]
Leerssen: By Anglo-Irish literature
is meant literature written in the English language by authors of Irish
background, often on matters Irish. this usage is quite distinct from
the similar demographic term Anglo-Irish, denoting the Protestant upper-middle
and upper classes, settled in Ireland, of English extraction. Thus, authors
like Yeats, Synge, OCasey and Patrick Kavanagh all wrote in the
literary tradition known as Anglo-Irish literature; but only the first
two of these four would be called Anglo-Irish as to their social background.
[ftn 12]
None other than Edmund Burke attacked
at a personal meeting Humes description of 1641 as being misguided
and misleading (see Ernest Campbell Mossner, The Life of David Hume, 1980,
p.394). [ftn71]
Although Ireland cannot be called
simply a colony like, for instance, the Spanish colonies in
the New World
Tudor policy was certainly inspired by colonialist
attitudes, and often looked towards Spanish policy in America for inspiration.
The status of Ireland as a kingdom, with a parliament (albeit one excluding,
on various counts, native representation) is the main difference between
Ireland and a colony proper. But in other respects (the expropriation
of land, its distribution
the social establishment of the[se] settlers
as a new ruling class, the submission of the native population both in
social and economic terms, their employment as providers of cheap labour,
the subordination of the countrys internal economy to the interests
of the mother country) Ireland did have the character of a
colony. Plantation policy even in its nomenclature had a colonial connotation,
and though slavery was not established as such in Ireland ... (ftn.45
[461])
Leerssen cites, on p.64, The true
impartial history and wars of the kingdom of Ireland, 1691, and reports
in the ftn. 64 that authoritative bibliographies, e.g., Wing, attribute
this to James Shirley, then some years dead, and that John Shirley is
the more likely author. [462]
Dramatic fictional Irishmen, see Bartley
(Teague, Shenkin and Sawney; being an historical study of the earliest
Irish Welsh, and Scottish characters in English plays (Cork UP 1954);
Duggan, The Stage Irishman (Talbot 1937), and Anneliese Truninger, Paddy
and the Paycock, A study of the Stage Irishman from Shakespeare to OCasey
(Bern:Francke 1976) For non-dramatic fictional Irishmen, see Fritz Mezger,
Der Ire in der englischen Literatur bis zum Angfang des 19.Jahrhundrets,
Palaestra 169 (Leipzig: Mayer & Muller 1929)., and George OBrien,
The fictional Irishman 1665-1850, in Studies 66 (1977), pp.319-326.
(ftn.84 [463])
Dekkers vignette of an Irish
pedlar: an Irish tyole is a sturdy vagabond, who scorning to take
paines that may make him sweat, stalks onely up and downe the country
with a wallet on his backe, in which he carries laces, pinnes, and points
and such like, and under cullor of selling such wares, both passeth to
and fro quietly, and so commits many villainies as it were by warrant
(Dekker, 1886, vol. 3 104-05). (ftn.87 [463])
In Samuel Footes The orators
and Colmans The Manager in distress, the action is interrupted by
an Irish characer beginning to speechify from the pit or from a box. (ftn.89
[464])
A note on the Gaelic kinship system,
and esp. the terms tuath and fine, quotes extensively from DA Binchy,
The Passing of the Old Order, Proceedings of the International
Congress of Celtic Studies, held in Dublin 6-10 July 1959 (DIAS 1962),
p.119-32. (ftn.123 [466])
Discussing the question of national
consciousness, Leerssen refers to an argument adopted by Donncha Ó
Corráin, who tries to push it back to the pre-Norman period, to
the 7th c., when the Irish had developed a sense of identity and
otherness [other than whom, Leerssen asks] and had begun to create an
elaborate origin-legend embracing all the tribes and dynasties of the
country. Ó Corráin further speaks of a mandarin
class of monastic and secular scholars whose priveliged position in society
allowed them to transcend all local and tribal boundaries. (O Corráin,
Nationality and kingship in pre-Norman Ireland in Nationality
and the persit of national independence, ed. TW Moody (Belfast:Appletree
1978), pp.1-35. (ftn.140 [468]
Ftn 147 distinguishes between Iarla
Gearoids Eireannaigh and the older, and mythological usage, fir
Erenn, which seems to mean men of the Goddess Eriu as Tuatha de Danann
were tribes of the Goddess Danu. (ftn.150 [468]
Ftn 194: The translations [of An Síogaí
Rómhánach] given her are largely based on JT Gilberts
version The Irish Vision at Rome, appendix XXIV to A contemporary
history of affairs in Ireland from 1641 to 1652, ed Gilbert, vol. 3, 190-6
(Dublin 1866). Gilbert probably used a different redaction and bowlderised
his translation, since it does not closely match that edited by Cecile
ORahilly. [473]
Pairlement Chloinne Tomáis
is purportedly narrated by Sir Domnhnall Ó Pluburnáin [anglice
Blubberham], a plebian with an English knighthood. Something similar is
achieved to the practice of giving ludicrous names to stage Irishmen in
the English 18th c. drama. (Ftn.207 [473])
Dinneen and ODonoghue (in Dánta
Aodhagain Ui Rathaille/The Poems of Egan ORahilly, 2nd ed., London
ITS 1911) added an embarrassing string of exclamation marks to each line
in his ed. of ORathailles poems, according to Leerrssen: a
piece of editorial impudence which distorts the tone of the original
and turns the elegiac poet into a Gaelic League soap-box orator.
(ftn.216 [474])
Robert Rochfort, Life of the glorious
bishop St. Patrick, St. Brigid and St. Columb, patrons of Ireland (St
Omer 1625); Rochfort lectured at Louvain.
On the misnomer of The Annals of the
Four Masters, see Lersen01. Ftn.272 [478].
Thomas OSullevane, prefatory
Dissertation to the Memoirs of Lord Clanricarde (1722), best known as
source of information on ancient bardic practices of Ireland. Quoted in
Brian Ó Cuiv, an eighteenth-century account of Keating and
his Foras Feasa ar Eirinn, in Eigse 9 (1958-61), 264-69. (ftn 280
[478]).
An anonymous manuscript grammar compiled
in Louvain in 1669, copied by the Dublin scribe Seán Ó Súilleabháin
for the bookseller Jeremiah Pepyat (the Dublin outlet for Arch. Britannica,
and transmitted to Lhuyd. Cf. Lhuyd, 1707, p.299. (Ftn. 316 [480])
Note review of this work by Alan Harrison,
in Eigse, Vol. XXII (NUI 1987), pp.155-[59]. Note also errata concerning
Thomas Molyneuxs authorship of Journey in Connaught
[under A-Z Datasets, Molyneux. |