Edmund Spenser, A View of the Present State of Ireland, ed. C. L. Renwick (OUP 1970)

Reading Extracts

Renwick’s introduction & Notes (p.171ff.):

In 1594 he summoned the whole landscape to share in the joy and pride of his marriage [in poetry]; Ireland was entangled in his emotions, and his poetry. And he placed on Galtymore - a most felicitous choice - the assembly of the Gods to judge the philosophical problem that haunted him all his life, the problem of Mutability. [Renwick].

Spenser’s nomination by Privy Council of Cork as ‘a man endowed with good knoweldge in lerneing, and not unskillful or without experience in the service of the warrs’ [MS Harl. 286, I52, fol. 272] the closest parallel to the Annals of the Four masters is the recent history of Arabia. (Renwick, ed., Commentary, p.184.)

The common impression of Spenser, that he calls for blood and only wishes all the Irish dead, is a misrepresentation (p.185.)

Note, Solus Hormundas Comes pertinac adhuc Reginaw partibus adheret [refers to] , Papal Nuncio 1581 to Rome from London.

 
Spenser’s Text:

[...] some secret scourge which shall by her come unto England [1]. genius of the soil [1]. Law, Custom and Religion to blame; many murders among them are made up and smothered [5]. What boots it to break a colt and to let him straight run loose at random? [...] their own inordinate life and manners [...] more licentious than before [6]. A more voluntary and loyal subjection [10].

the Irish septs don’t recognise that any promise of the Tanists or chiefains is binding after his demise; laws of England surely most just and agreeable with the government and the nature of the people; Brehon [...] more unjust and also more inconvenient for the people [10].

Irenaeus, the same laws [...] can ill fit with their dispositon or work that reformation that is wished, for laws ought to be fashioned unto the manners and conditions of the Siobhan people to whom they are meant; Irish utterly vanquished and subdue [...] fled from his power [...] gives potted account of Henry II’s Conquest [13].

[word commodious:] ‘[...] so goodly and commodious a soil [...] commodiously [19] commodious Pale [18-19].

Edward Bruce, [17-19]. in praise of Lord Grey (Arthur Gray, of [de] Wilton, Viceroy, 1580-1582), [19]. Children under fosterage brought up ‘lewdly and Irish like’ [29].

Use of the mantle or cloak among Irish thieves, brigands, and lecherous women [51; and cf. same under Hadfield, 1996]. NOTE: this figure cited in Maria Edgeworth’s Castle Rackrent, 1st ftn.; also in Frank McGuinness, Carthaginians, ‘Programme Note’].

Irish glib or fringe [53]. Irish hubbub – O Neale [O’Neill] cry Laudergabo, that is the bloody hand, which is O’Neale’s badge; Fitz Ursula, MacMahon; Geraldines and Butlers [63]. Rack their tenants [81].

common ignorance of religious principles among Papists [84]. For it hath ever been the use of the conqueror to despise the language of the conquered, and to force him by all means to learn his. [67].

For first the child that sucketh the milk of the nurse must of necessity learne his first speech of her, the which being the first that is enured to his tongue is eve the most pleasing unto him. In so much as though he afterwards be taught English yet the smack of the first will always abide with him, and not only the speech but the manners and conditions [68] young children be like Apes which will affect and imitate what they see done before them specially by their nurses whome they lopve so well. They moreover draw into themselves together with their such, even the nature and disposition of their nurses. [Quoted from ‘for the first child’ in Michael Cronin, Translating Ireland: Translations, Languages, Cultures, Cork UP 1996, p.49].

How the Old English came to speak Irish [hibernior Hiberniae] a) fosterage, from their nurses they acquire the language and disposition [...] out of the abundance of the heart the tongue speaketh b) marriage [cf p.151].

Quotes Aristotle (but recte Herodotus) on Cyrus imposing effeminate apparel on the conquered Lydians; a certain kind of people called the bards [72; l.2256.] [...] songs for the most part to the hurt of the English [74] [...] some pretty flowers of their own natural device [75].

Irish mania for news or ‘innovations’ [76]. Raths (hills) betoken some worthy person of note there slain and buried [78]. Cess = imposition of tax &c., [79]. Popish trumpery [84] they are all Papists by their profession but in the same so blindly and brutishly informed [...] that you would rather thenk them atheists [84].

lossels; runagates; ragtails; rakehelly [adj.]; scum; rogues; soldiers (prevaricating in the campaign) lests afterwards they should need employment and so be discharged of pay [90].

governor [...] do bandy the service like a tennis ball which they never strike quite away for fear lest afterwards they should want sport [91]. Banno or Sacra Insula, taking Sacra for Accursed [92] [comm. or Banna].

The Irish do strongly hate and abhor all reformation and subjection to the English, by reason that having been once subdued by them, they were thrust out of all their possession so now they fear if they were again brought under they should likewise be expelled out of all [93]. Innovation is perilous [94].

but all have their ears upright, waiting when the watchword shall come that they shall all rise generally into rebellion and cast away the English subjection to which there now wanteth little; for I think the word be already given and there wanteth nothing but opportunity which truly is the death of one noble person [there follows encomium to Ormond] [94].

It is well known he is a flying enemy, hiding himself in the woods and boys [98]. Tennising the enemy between forces [100]. In a pitiful commiseration will recieve the weak and old separated from the rebels [102]. Policy towards surrenders [103].

Desmond Wars, Earl of Desmond [102ff]. The end [of this war] will be very short and much sooner than can be in so great a trouble (as it seemeth) hoped for [...] The proof whereof I say sufficiently ensampled in these late wars in Munster, notwithstanding that the same was a most rich and plentiful country; keep out the Scots [114].

the O’Neill claim to the North [115]. Apply themselves to honest trades of civility [124; l.3863].

[Spenser attributes ultimate failure of Norman Conquest to omission of local tarriffs raised to sustain local garrisons; 1240,000 acres plough land (9,000 ploughlands)].

46s 8d per acre = revenue of £18,000 p.a. to support 1,500 men in 3 garrisons, all within Ulster; Plantation plans, all the lands I will give unto Englishmen whom I wall have drawn thither [...] and for such rent as shall eftsoons be rated. Under every of these Englishmen will I place some of those Irish to be tenants [...] [with] this special regard [...] that in no place under any landlord there shall be many of them planted together, but dispersed wide from their acquaintance and scatted far abroad through all the country. For that is the evil which I now find in all Ireland, that the Irish dwell altogether by their septs and several nations, so as they may practise or conspire what they will, wheras if there were English [?spread] amongst them and placed over them they should not be able once to stir or murmur but that it be known, and they shortened according to their demerits [125]. Rate the rent to Englishmen [125].

Connaught ‘of late divided into six shires’, Clare, Leitrim, Roscommon, Galway, Mayo, and Sligo; 7,200 ploughlands; excheat unto Her Majesty, for the rebellion of the present possessors; 43,920 ploughlands in Ireland, ‘as appeareth by their old records’ [131]. Mayo and Sligo, 3,000 ploughlands=£6,000p.a.; Spenser wants the Lord Deputy to stay at Athy, not Dublin [132].

Waterford and Cork [...] inhabitants of them are most ill-affected to the English government and most friends to the Spanish; But as far as thesee garrisons which ye have now so strongly planted throughout all Ireland, and every place swarming with soldiers, shall their be no end of them [140].

Since we cannot now apply laws fit to the people, as in the first institution of commonwealths it ought to be, we will apply the people to fit the laws [141-42]. Social philosophy behind shiring and tithing and hundreds [144] from Jethro to Moses, Romulus to Alfred; Robin Hood, unsympathetic view [141].

All the Irish almost boast themselves to be gentlemen, no less than the Welshmen; for if he can derive himself from the head of his sept, then he holdeth himself a gentleman, and therupon scorneth eftsoons to work [...] which he says is the life of a churl; the gentlemanly trade of stealing (as they count it); [become adventruers, second sons esp., gather ke[r]ns, open rebellion 145]. Breaking the political power of great men; political centralism [147].

Old English, these do need a sharper reformation than the Irish [...] more stubborn and disobedient to law and government and more malicious against the English that are daily sent over [151]. Marry, they say that the land is theirs only by right being first conquered by their ancestors, and that they are wronged by the new Englishmen’s intruding thereinto, whom they call Sassona, that is, English, with as great reproach as they would rate a dog. [151].

by union of manners and conformity of minds, to bring them to be one people [153] since Ireland is full of her own nation that may not be rooted out, and soemwhat stored with English already and more to be [153].

Moreover for the breaking of these heads and septs which I told you was one of the greatest strengths of the Irish [...] renew that old statue of Edward IV in England [command every man to use a surname either of his trade or faculty or some quality of his body or mind, or the place where he dwelt so that every one should be distinguished from other or from the most part’] And herewithal would I wish the Os and the Macs which the heads of septs have taken to their names to be utterly forbidden and extinguished [...] the abrogating thereof will [as such] enfeeble them [155-56].

Tillage and keeping cattle [158] Every parish should be forced to keep a petty schoolmaster [...] in every county or barony they should keep an able schoolmaster [...] for learning hath that wonderful power of itself that it can soften and temper the most stern and savage nature; miching in corners [...] stragglers and runagates [159].

Religion, not forcibly to be impressed but by mildness and gentleness to be brought in; For thus I know that most of the Irish are so far from understanding of the popish religion as they are of the Protestant profession, and yet they do hate it, though unknown, even for the very hatred which they have of the English and their government [161]. That some discreet ministers of their own countrymen [161]. [Spenser compares the courage of Catholic to the idleness of Protestant priests in Ireland, 162].

[On Irish chronicles:] [F]or these Irish chronicles as I said unto you being made by unlearned men and writing things according to the appearance of the truth which they conceive do err in the circumstances not in the matter, for all that came out of Spain, they, being no dilligent searchers into the differences of nations, supposed to be Spaniards ans so called them, but the ground work theareof is nevertheless (as I erst said) trewe and certain how ever they thorough ignoraunce disguise the same or through their own vanity whilst they would not seem to be ignorant do thereuppon build and enlarge many forged histories of their own antiquity which they deliver to fools and make them believe them for true. As an example, that first one Gathelus the sonne of Cecrops or Argus who having married the king of Egypt’s daughter thence sailed with her into Spain and there inhabited; then that of Nemed and his four sons who coming out of Scuthia [Scythia] peopled Ireland .. Lastly of the four sons of Milesius king of Spain which conquered that land from the Scythians .. & 1292-1313].

And so have I seen so of the Irish do but not their enemyes but friends’ blood as namely at the execution of a notable traitor at Limerick called Murrough O’Brien I saw an old woman which was his foster mother take up his head whilst he was quartered and sucked up all the blood running thearout saying that the earth was not worthy to drink it and therewith all steeped her face, and breast and torn hair crying and shriking out most terrible [1935-1942; here modernised].

[Y]e Cannot thinke them sure to be verye brute and vncivill for weare they at the best that they weare of olde when theye weare brought in they shoulde in so longe and alteracion of time seme verye straunge and vncouthe for it is to be thoughte that the vse of all Englande was in the Raigne of Henry the Seconde when Irelande was firste planted withe Englishe verye rude and barbarous so as if the same shoulde be now vsed in Englande by anye it would seme worthie of sharpe Correccion and of new lawes for reformacion but it is even the other day since Englande grewe Civill[.] Therefore in Countinge the evill Costumes of the English theare I will not haue regarde wheather the beginninge thearof weare Englishe or Irishe but will haue respecte onelye to the inconvenience theareof. And firste I haue to find faulte with the Abuse of language that is for the speakinge of Irishe amongest the Englishe which as it is vnnatural that anye people shoulde love anothers language more then their owne soe is it very inconvenient and the Cause of manye other evills [2073-2088].

Eudox.: [...] it hathe bene ever the vuse of the Conquerour to despise the Language of the conquered and to force him by all meanes to learn his. She did the Romaines alwaies vse in soe muche that there is allmoste no nacion in the worlde but is sprinckled with theire language .. I thinke it verye strange that the Englishe being soe manye and the Irish soe fewe as they then weare left the fewer should draw the more vnto theire use [2092-2100].

Iren.: I suppose the Chief Cause of bringinge the Irishe language amongest them was speciallye theire fosteringe and marryinge with the Irishe. The which are two most dangerous infeccions for firste the Childe that suckethe the milke of the nurse muste of necessitye learne its firste speache of her, the which beinge the firste that is envred to his tounge is ever after most pleasinge vnto him In so much as thoughe he afterwardes be taughte Englishe yeat the smacke of the first will allwaies abide with him and not onelye of the speche but allsoe of the manners and Condicions for besides that young Children be like Apes which will affecte and imitate what they see done before them speciallye by theire nurses whome they love so well, they moreouer drawe into themselues togeather with their sucke even the nature and disposicion of theire nurses ffor the mind followethe much the Temparature of the bodye and allsoe the wordes are the Image of the mind So as they procedinge from the minde the minde must be nedes affected with the wordes So that the speache beinge Irish the harte must nedes be Irish for out of the abundance of the harte the tongue speakethe. The next is marryinge with the Irish which how daugnerous a thinge it is all the Comon wealthes appeare ther to euerye simpleste sence and thoughe some great ones haue perhaps vsed usch matches with theire vassalls and haue of them neuerthelesse raysed worthie Issue, as Telamon did with Tecmessa, alexander the greate with Roxane, and Iulius Cesar with Cleopatrie ...

[Eudox.:] But are here not lawes already provided for avoiding this evil? [2101-2135].

Iren.: Theare is amongest the Irish a certen kinde of people Called Bardes which are to them in steade of Poets whose profession it is to sett fourthe the praises and dispraises of menne in their Poems or Rymes, the which are hadd in soe high regard and estimation amongest them that none dare displease them for feare to runne into reproch throughe their offence, and to be made infamous in the muthes of all men/ffor the verses are taken upp wit a general applause and usuall songe att all feates and meetings by certeine other persons whose proper function that is whcih also receive for the same great Rewardes and reputation besides [2256-2264].

‘It is most trewe that such poetes as in their wrightinges doe labour to better the manners of men and thoroughe the sweete bayte of theire numbers to steale into the yonge spirites a desire of honour and vertue are worthie to be had in great respecte. But these Irishe Bardes are for the most parte of another minde and so farre from instructinge yonge men in morall discipline that they themselues doe more deserue to be sharpelye discipled for they seldome vse to Chose out themselues the doinges of good men for the argumentes of their poems but whome soeuer they finde moste daungerous and desperate in all partes of disobedience and rebellious disposicion him they set vp and glorifye in their rymes him the[y] praise to the people and to yonge men make an example to followe [2279-2290].

yea Truelye I haue Cawsed diuerse of them to be translated vnto me that I mighte vnderrstande them and surely they savored of swete witt and good invencion but skilled not of the goodlie ornaments of Poetrye yet weare they sprinkled with some prettie flowers of their owne naturall devise which gaue good grace and Comlinesse vnto them The which it is great pittye to see so abused to the gracinge of wickednes and vice which woulde with good vsage serue to beautifye and adorne vertue This evell Custome therefore nedethe reformacion’ [2338-2345].

[...] the sword which ye meane to be vsed to the reformacion of all those evills [2983-85].

But surely his [Sir John Perrot’s] manner of gouernement Coulde not be sound nor holsome for that realme beinge so Contrary to the former as it was, even as two Phisicions shoulde take one sicke bodye in hande at two sundry times, of which the former woulde minsiter all thinges mete to purge and kepe vnder the bodye, thother to pamper and strengthen it suddeineley againe, wheareof what is to be loked for but a most daungerous relapse, that which we see ... Therefore by all meanes it must be forsene and sussed that after once entringe into this Course of reformacion, there be afterward no remorse or drawing backe, for the sighte of anie suchrufull obiectes as must terevppon followe, nor for Compassion of theire Callamityes, seinge that by no other meanes it is possible to recure them, and that these are not of will but fo very vrgent necessitye. [3420-3430]

[On religion:] ‘The fault I finde in religion is but one but the same vniversall thoroughe all that Countrye, that is that they are all Papistes by their profession but in the same so blindelye and brutisihly enformed for the most parte as that ye woulde rather thinke them Atheists or infidles but not one amongest a hundred knowethe anye grounde of religion anie article of his faithe but Cane perhaps saie his pater noster or his Ave marye without anie knoweldge or vnderstandinge what one worde thereof meanethe’ [2614-2621].

for this I knowe that the moste of the Irishe are so far from vnderstandinge the Popish Religion as they are of the Protestantes profession and yeat dothe hate it thoughe unknowen even for the verye hatred which they haue of the Englishe and theire gouernement Therefore it is expediente that some discrete ministers of theire owne Cuntrymen be firste sente amongeste them which by theire milde persacions and instruccions as allso by theire sober lifee and Conuersacion maie drawe them first to vnderstande and afterwardes to imbrace the doctrine of theire salvacion. [5035-5042].

That bothe they be restrined from sendinge their younge men abroade to other vniuers[i]ties [universities] beyonde sea as Reymes doway [Douai] Lovaine and the like and that others from abroade be restrained from Comminge to them for they lurkinge secretly in theire howses and in corners of the Countrye doe more hurte and hinderaunce to religion with their private persacions then all thothers Cane doe good with theire publike instruccions. [5069-5077].

I thank youe Iren, for this your gentle pains withall not forgettinge now in the suttinge up to put youe in mind of that which ye haue formerle halfe promised that heareafter when we shall mete again vppon the like good oaccacion ye will delcare vnto vs those your observacions which ye haue gathered of the Antiquities of Ireland [5315; FINIS].

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